17th Century Dutch Republic

Jednou z prvních změn uskutečněných během francouzského období nizozemských dějin se stalo zavedení občanského stavu. Do té doby se nizozemská jména skládala jen z křestního jména a ze jména otce, nebo matky, představující příjmení např. Jan Willemszoonm (Jan, syn Viléma). Nyní si musel každý zvolit své vlastní jedinečné příjmení. Mnoho lidí myslelo, že je to jen dočasná záležitost. Dělali si z toho legraci a zvolili si příjmení jako Nix (Nic), Naaktgeboren (Narozen nahý). Také se objevovala příjmení vyjadřující protest proti novému systému, jako např. Zondergeld (Bez peněz), Vrijman (Svobodný muž). Ale nejednalo se o dočasnou záležitost, protože budoucí první nizozemský král Vilém I. 4 tento stav přijal. 5 Napoleonská vláda uvedla během krátké doby v život mnoho nových pravidel. Např. ve školách byly zavedeny povinné hodiny francouzského jazyka, bylo zakázáno vydávání novin nebo došlo k jejich zrušení. Některé listy mohly vycházet, ovšem pod přísnou cenzurou. Státní dluh byl zmenšen na třetinu a pravidla kontinentálního systému byla plně realizována. V nizozemských přístavech se objevili francouzští celníci, kteří se plavili s nizozemskými rybáři. Navzdory velké kontrole se 1 Studie je výstupem Institucionální podpory FF UHK 2011.

Les Provinces-Unies constituent le terrain le plus favorable pour l'épanouissement de l'iconographie de Mercure au XVIIe siècle. Là, le dieu du commerce devient le prototype même du commerçant néerlandais pensé comme le "nouveau Mercure" européen. Développée en parallèle à l'essor économique d'Amsterdam, l'idée de "l'honnête commerce" du mercator sapiens servira d'arrière-plan à une longue série de portraits de marchands. Certains d'entre eux, comme l'anonyme "Portrait d'homme de Pieter Cornelisz. van Slingelandt", daté de 1678 (coll. privée), imaginent le marchand en gentilhomme et incarnent l'idée subversive que le mérite peut octroyer la noblesse. D'autres, comme le "Portrait de Thomas Hees" de Michiel van Musscher (1687, Rijksmuseum) montrent la distinction à laquelle un mercator sapiens a pu accéder grâce à ses qualités mercuriales. D'autres encore, comme le portrait de Caspar Commelijn (1636-1693), peint par David van der Plas entre 1693 et 1704 (Rijksmuseum), dépassent la mémoire de l'individu et forgent un discours proprement politique qui associe la figure de Mercure à Amsterdam. Sans grande surprise, nous retrouverons l'origine de ce discours politique dans la décoration sculptée, commandée à Artus I Quellinus l'Ancien pour orner l'extérieur et l’intérieur du nouvel Hôtel de Ville d'Amsterdam. Notre communication aura pour objectif de montrer que, pour le XVIIe siècle néerlandais, l'art de Mercure (ars mercatoria) ne concerne pas seulement les traités de commerce et l'honnête manière de négocier. Il signifie un rêve de prospérité et bonheur offert à tout homme entreprenant dans une société, où le capitalisme remet en cause les privilèges de naissance et où le dieu du commerce finit par exprimer l'identité, l'occupation et l'éthique du citoyen. Pour cette raison, Mercure investit la représentation de la société néerlandaise à tout niveau. Il incarne un type social – le mercator sapiens. Il devient un modèle pour l'individu exploité dans l'art du portrait. Il sert aussi d'emblème à l'économie et plus précisément à la prospérité d'Amsterdam imaginée comme le "temple moderne de Mercure".

In opdracht van de Provincie Flevoland heeft Periplus Archeomare in samenwerking met scheepsarcheoloog A.B.M. Overmeer de resten van een scheepswrak onderzocht die zijn aangetroffen in het water bij het strandje bij de Staverse Kade te Urk.
Het onderzoek heeft plaatsgevonden in twee fasen. Tijdens het eerste onderzoek werden vondsten die eind 2022 geborgen zijn onderzocht. Het geborgen vondstmateriaal bestond voor het merendeel uit houten scheepsonderdelen als inhouten (leggers en zitters), planken en overig scheepshout. Verder zijn enkele metalen vondsten aangetroffen, zoals beslag, een wiel met rubberen band en delen van een ijzeren vat. Op basis van het onderzoek kon geconcludeerd worden dat het de resten zijn van een gladboordig gebouwd houten schip. Het schip was platboomd en had uitstaande boorden. De houten delen waren bijna uitsluitend met ijzeren pennen verbonden en zelfs zeskante bouten en moeren zijn aangetroffen.
De vondst van een scheerbord twee jaar eerder op dezelfde plaats, zou erop kunnen wijzen dat het een vissersschip was, mogelijk een botter. De vondst van delen van een ijzeren vat zou erop kunnen wijzen dat een houtgasgenerator aan boord was geplaatst. Het was niet mogelijk om een absolute datering door middel van dendrochronologie te verkrijgen. Globaal ligt de datering van het scheepswrak in de eerste helft van de twintigste eeuw. De achtergebleven resten op het strand beslaan een gebied van 16 bij 11 m en liggen op een diepte van 0 tot 150 cm onder de waterbodem. De resultaten uit het onderzoek in fase 1 zijn beschreven in een rapportage.1 Op basis van criteria (inhoudelijke kwaliteit, fysieke kwaliteit en beleving) wordt de vindplaats niet behoudenswaardig geacht.
Geadviseerd werd om de resterende resten te verwijderen onder (actieve) archeologische begeleiding zodat eventuele resten met een cultuurhistorische waarde nog veiliggesteld kunnen worden. Dit advies is door het bevoegd gezag, provincie Flevoland, overgenomen. De daaropvolgende (actieve) archeologische begeleiding heeft plaatsgevonden op 11 juli 2023 en is beschreven in onderhavig rapport. Bij deze begeleiding zijn volgens de archeologische verwachting, de resten van een twintigste-eeuwse motorbotter gevonden. Het gaat onder meer om een achterschip, de resten van een achtersteven en kiel, een dubbel bunschot, resten van kaarplaten, een scheerbord en overige losse scheepsonderdelen. Verder is er veel ijzeren beplating naar boven gekomen. Het schip was in het achterschip verstevigd en aangepast voor de plaatsing van een motor. Deze was ten tijde van het vergaan niet meer aanwezig, de schroefaskoker was met hout dichtgestopt. Dit is een duidelijke aanwijzing dat het schip bewust is afgezonken. Er is nauwelijks vondstmateriaal aangetroffen dat gerelateerd kan worden aan het wrak.
Al het materiaal is gedeselecteerd. Het achterschip is door medewerkers van de gemeente meegenomen en zal mogelijk ergens in de gemeente Urk een plek krijgen.
Er zijn geen duidelijke aanwijzingen gevonden om welk schip het gaat. Het verhaal van mevrouw Brands-de Jong is echter wel opvallend. De opa van haar man heeft in de oorlogsjaren zijn oude botter, de UK 210, bewust afgezonken voor de kust van Urk, zodat deze niet door de Duitsers geconfisqueerd zou worden. Gezien de plaats en de datering is het goed mogelijk dat het geborgen wrakje daadwerkelijk de UK 210 is.

Op de ochtend van 12 februari 2020 werd, na dagen van zuidwesterstorm
en springtij, een scheepsfragment op het Noordzeestrand van Terschelling
aangetroffen, precies tussen de strandpalen 9 en 10 (zie afbeelding 1).
Het wrak, dat ‘Terschelling Paal 9/10’ werd gedoopt, bleek afkomstig te
zijn van een schip met een tot dusver onbekende bouwwijze. Het schip
was overnaads gebouwd, waarbij de huidgangen elkaar als dakpannen
overlappen. Het schip had een gladboordige of karveel gebouwde romp,
een gladde huid dus. Een dergelijke bouwwijze was in Nederland nog
niet eerder aangetroffen. Dendrochronologische datering van het
scheepshout wees uit dat het onderzochte hout geveld was in het voorjaar
van 1546. De bouwwijze leek echter niet te passen in de heersende
ideeën over scheepsbouw in de zestiende eeuw. De Terschellinger
scheepsvondst zorgt daarmee voor een nieuwe impuls om de zestiende-
eeuwse scheepsbouw nader te onderzoeken, zowel op historisch als
archeologisch vlak.

Since several other lemmata have dealt with aspects of the Further Reformation preaching, the starting point of this lemma will be the concrete Further Reformation critique of preaching as it was common at the time of the Republic. The content of that criticism reflects the ideals and practice of Word preaching by the Further Reformers themselves. Then the following topics are discussed: the voice, the recitation and the emotions of the preacher, whether or not to preach by heart, the length of time of the sermon and the reception of the Further Reformation preaching.

The Dutch Political Climate and Its Correlation To the Structure and Power of the Dutch East India Trading Company. In the late 16th century, a Golden Age emerged in the Netherlands following the Dutch Revolt. This new age transformed the Dutch economy. It surfaced as a consequence of several elements: the post-1588 stabilization of the Republic, the reopening of waterways, a flow of capital from Belgium, improved strategy, the Flemish coast naval blockage, and the lifting of Philip II's embargo on ships in the Iberian Peninsula. The Netherlands was transformed into a commercial powerhouse of Europe. This economic boom led to the rise of various Dutch trading companies. Later, in 1602, they were merged, establishing the United East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) to initiate a monopoly in the East Indies (Israel, 1995, p. 318-320). The merchant-controlled and decentralized politics of the Dutch Republic in the 16th and 17th centuries built the policies, overall structure, and authority of the Dutch East India Company, giving it the power to act as a quasi-state internationally. Over two centuries, the Dutch East India Company established itself as one of the most powerful and profitable companies in global history.

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Until the end of 1653, Vermeer was mapping the south region of the Americas, starting in Brazil and creating fort views and nautical maps. After 1654, when he became a member of the Guild of Saint Luke, and took along a pupil as he painted a few historical portraits in Nieuw Amsterdam, accompanied by his apprentice, Quiringh Gerritsz. van Brekelenkam. This can be concluded from the same individuals depicted and their clothing origins. Details, such as a alligator's appearing twice, are not typically Dutch. Other features include polka dot jugs and French-style bonnets. Crafts, as described in the records by historians. The same period of the Deluge (Swedish invasion of Poland 1655) and the attack on the Swedish in 1655 by the Dutch in Nieuw Sweden. One painting is probably by Vermeer and the other by QvB, from the year 1655... This is the period when Vermeer created his paintings in Nieuw Amsterdam with the connection to Tienhoven. However, he was also a captain and cartographer. Brekelenkam did not copy Vermeers Paintings, he used to make his own.

Outside Italy an important early nucleus of Tacitism was that in the Low Countries, featuring figures such as Justus Lipsius, Hugo Grotius and Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft. However this nucleus was connected directly and in several ways with the already blossoming Tacitism in Italy. The Dutch Tacitist most thoroughly influenced by the contemporary Tacitism in Italy was Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft, who seems to have brought home a fascination for Tacitus from his Italian Grand Tour in the years 1598-1601. His interests were then further stimulated by the high tide of Tacitist interests at the university of Leiden in precisely Hooft's years as an undergraduate there, 1603-1606, and also, it seems, by the political controversies in the Dutch Republic in the 1610s. This article discusses Hooft's readings and translations of a number of Italian authors connected with Tacitism and the new thinking on reason of state.

reprint of the 1640 edition by Ioh. van Beverwijck,
« 't begin van Hollant, in Dordrecht, Mitsgaders der eerster Stede beschrijvinge, regeringe ende regeerders, als oock de gedenckwaerdighste geschiedenissen aldaer gevallen »
Printed by Jasper Gorissz. Dordrecht, Netherlands.

An introductory essay to Wim Klever's unpublished manuscript "The Spinozistic Hume: An Essay on His Affinity with Spinoza". The paper shows how early refutations of Spinoza contributed to spreading his philosophical ideas in Europe. Available on "Foglio Spinoziano": https://www.fogliospinoziano.it/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/Marrama-Oberto-Spinoza-allo-specchio_La-ragnatela-e-labbraccio_Introduzione-Klever.pdf

Resumo: No final do mês de março de 1645, um grande grupo de indígenas Potiguara, ou brasilianos-como os neerlandeses se referiam aos indígenas aldeados da costa do Brasil e falantes do tupi-, se reuniu em assembleia no aldeamento de Tapesserica, Itamaracá. O objetivo dessa assembleia era múltiplo, incluindo o estabelecimento de câmaras indígenas e o debate sobre a lei de liberdade dos índios. A assembleia deliberativa resultou em um documento, uma representação, que foi entregue pessoalmente pelos Potiguara ao governo neerlandês, no Recife. O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar uma nova tradução da representação dos Potiguara, bem como analisar a reunião que resultou em um dos primeiros registros de assembleia indígena realizada no Brasil. Adicionalmente, serão exploradas as razões para sua organização e contextualizadas as relações indígenas-neerlandesas nas chamadas Guerras do Açúcar (1624-1654).

The development of electronic book players led to as ituation, whereb ook, magazine and newspaper publishing has newo pportunities to create products and business models. Another era of online-distribution of books could be the consequence of e-book hardware with better usability. Fort he periodicals therea re newf orms of paid content which could be realized by simple products on electronic book players or morec omplexa pplications on smart phones.

This chapter focuses on the professional epistolary practices of European diplomats at the royal court of France in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. It discusses the concept of privacy within diplomatic missives sent to foreign powers, with a specific emphasis on the correspondence of Aernt van Dorp (c. 1528–1600), a Dutch envoy, and Robert Cecil (1563–1612), an English ambassador. By comparing their dispatches, these letters bring into sharp relief the private zones and the ideals of privacy existing within the inherently public life of the French court during the reigns of Henry III (r. 1574–1589) and Henry IV (r. 1589–1610). It will be argued that privacy at the French court was a muddy and highly ambiguous concept: it was as much a desired good as it was something to be avoided. Written correspondence, then, offered visiting envoys a privileged medium to reflect on the diplomatic implications of their private and public activities at the French court, as well as a tool to account for, and promote, these activities to their respective governments.

When countries think of advancement they don't think of one country advancing in democracy and another in art. Instead they think that they must advance in all of these areas. If one country is outstanding in all of these areas, every other country will admire its achievement. It is always important to determine the essence of a country which warrants respect. Then what is the element of a country which every other country can admire? It is not likely to be seen in one building or a modern factory. Even achieving the fullest perfection in art is not likely to warrant the fullest respect. Art is viewed as art, economy as economy and technology as technology, while the people who produced a brilliant result are not thought about. When we look for the most basic element of a nation we see it is people who produce a country.

The chapters of this volume map these different spheres of early modern
privacy through individual case studies that target epistolary practices
across the period. Privacy transpires in the interaction between historical
agents and requires in-depth analysis of specific cases to be identified and described. As a contextual medium that is personal and ever-changing
in nature, the early modern letter is a particularly rich place to look for
information about this topic. However, it also presents us with difficulties.
Recent research has shown that privacy in the early modern world is a
multifaceted and contextual phenomenon that emerges in spatial zones
such as the soul or the self, the body, the chamber or the studio, the home
or the household, the community, and the state or society.

One of the victims of nationalist historiography has been the intrinsically
transnational culture of learning that was so vibrant in the United Provinces that this country was deemed a focal point of the international world of scholarship and science already in the early modern period. The history of the Republic of Letters promises to offer a fruitful alternative to nation-based history, precisely because of its apparent transnationalism, the mobility of its citizens and the internationalism of the early modern book trade. But whereas there is consensus that the United Provinces were a major scene in the Republic of Letters, the extent to which this learned culture here was ‘international’ remains to be established. Speaking of ‘extent’ suggests that the question at stake is of a quantitative nature. Accordingly, in this article we will attempt to quantify the Dutch learned world’s ‘international’ orientation and practices by focusing on the geography of the epistolary communication. Before turning to our quantitative methodology and its results, we will first rehearse the state of affairs in the historiography of the Dutch province of the Republic of Letters.

This essay argues that emerging scholar and artist Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-78) disseminated her 1633 engraved self-portrait as a bid to enter the Republic of Letters and add her voice to the Europe-wide debate on women's intellectual equality. To assess the portrait's significance, I examine its sociocultural and artistic complexities, as well as its effect on two elite viewers, poet and diplomat Constantijn Huygens (1596-1687) and Neo-Latin poet Caspar Barlaeus (1584-1648). I conclude that although Van Schurman was unable to control the responses to her self-portraiture, its circulation afforded a crucial inflection point in her life's journey, both outward and inward. INT RODUC TIO N In 1633, twenty-five-year-old Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-78) etched, engraved, and sent a self-portrait to male figures eminent in the Dutch Republic and the transnational Republic of Letters. She depicted herself as an elite young woman dressed in fashionable attire, with an intricate lace collar, a richly embroidered bodice, bouffant sleeves, and a French hairstyle enhanced by a delicate row of pearls. Her reserved demeanor and pose recall courtship portraiture of the time, in which young women's attractiveness, self-containment, and fine apparel were emphasized to draw suitors. According to art historian Wayne Franits, such portraits present "exemplars of courting etiquette." 1 But Van Schurman's self-portrait is not intended to attract suitors or cast her as a bride-tobe. Instead, it signals self-promotion of a very different kind. Building on recent scholarship on early modern women's portraiture, one may see her as making a bold bid to enter the Republic of Letters. She had two years earlier corresponded with the internationally renowned scholar André It is a great pleasure to thank the anonymous RQ reviewers for their insightful comments on an earlier version. I thank Jane Couchman, Steve Maiullo, Cornelia Niekus Moore, Alice Ward, and Colette Winn as well for their thoughtful suggestions for revision and Erika Gaffney, Mary Garrard, and Sheila Barker for their generous assistance in tracking several of the figures.

Ibrahim I, sultan of the Ottoman Empire , holding a golden griffin as handle on a Sword made @ Bolesław, Poland. A griffin or griffin bird, is a hybrid mythical animal that symbolises dominion over two realms: over the earth (its lion's body) and over the sky (the head and wings of an eagle).

This collection of essays grew out of a collaborative transnational project that 8 explores the creation of new "knowledge societies" in Europe as it globalized between 1450 9 and 1800. It offers case studies of how the urban milieu affected the production and nature 10 of knowledge was in turn shaped by it. The introduction by De Munck and Romano lays out 11 the critical parameters of this program of investigation. Cities were crucibles for new kinds 12 of knowledge to develop due to their concentrations of influence, expertise, capital, and 13 population. Complex networks further connected them to the wider world through 14 commerce, conquest, and colonization. After 1450, printing and books amplified the reach 15 of new ideas whose educated advocates increasingly interacted with skilled craftsmen, 16 adept in their own "bodily epistemologies," as Pamela Smith has put it. Capitalism and 17 political ambition fueled much of the ensuing collaboration between bookish learning and 18 craft practice in next centuries ahead, and explain the value placed on it by rulers and 19 propertied elites. The knowledge they produced and received circulated through cities and 20 beyond in "entangled" processes of appropriation, adaptation, and translation. Overall, 21 European cities underwent enormous change during this period as they became subsumed 22 under territorial states, many with growing imperialist appetites. This new political order 23 combined with globalizing networks of economic and cultural exchange to create what the 24 editors call "regimes of spatiality" that went far beyond the city. 25 The opening three essays focus on the performative dimensions of knowledge 26 production in early modern cities. Anne-Laure Van Bruaene explores how local forms of 27 public rhetoric and drama in civic pageants and festivals in sixteenth-century Antwerp 28 became visually represented and explained in printed "theaters" that codified and 29 standardized vital civic knowledge for urban middle classes. The theatrum metaphor 30 shaped the rise of new civic performance spaces and new ways to consume knowledge. 31 Hannah Murphy next offers a fascinating study of urban culture and identity using the 1547 32 account of the lives of Nuremberg's most eminent artisans composed by Johannes 33 Neudörffer, a local calligrapher and mathematician. His short biographies valued the 34 collaborative dimensions of craft practice and epistemology manifested in the city's shops, 35 streets, and marketplaces. He thus offers a far different view of Renaissance Nuremberg 36 than the one found in idolizing nineteenth-century accounts that prized the individual 37 genius of its famous native son, Albrecht Dürer, over communal craft traditions. Debates 38 over a city's historical past powerfully shaped struggles over defining its present identity as 39 seen in Stéphane Van Damme's essay on antiquarianism and historical mapping in 40 eighteenth-century Paris. Much was at stake in the interpretative claims put forth to 41 explain Gallo-Roman artefacts unearthed in and around the city. Were the original Parisii 42 independent merchants, Roman administrators, or Druidic priests? The advocates in these 43 debates drew attention and support from municipal, crown, and church interests whose 44 prestige could be enhanced depending on the answer. The very indeterminacy of the 45 evidence, however, reflected underlying instabilities in Old Regime Paris.

Cultureel Erfgoed Postbus 1600 3800 BP Amersfoort www.cultureelerfgoed.nl -1 Inleiding 1.1 Aanleiding Op woensdag 12 februari 2020 is op het Terschellinger Noordzeestrand, tussen Paal 9 en Paal 10, een groot fragment van een scheepswrak ontdekt (afb. 1.1). Het stuk scheepsconstructie van ongeveer 13,40 m lang en 5 m breed was na dagen van zuidwesterstorm en springtij vrijgespoeld of aangespoeld (afb. 1.2). Er werd meteen deze dag door Nico Brinck, lokale vrijwilliger in de maritieme archeologie, een vondstmelding gedaan bij de Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed. Zoals dat gaat met dit soort vondsten was er al snel een aardige aanloop van publiek en pers. Het enthousiasme was zo groot dat het wrak al snel uit elkaar werd getrokken. Op last van de politie werd het slopen gestaakt. De scheepsdelen werden weer bij elkaar gelegd en om de resten werd een afzetlint geplaatst. De opkomende vloed overspoelde de fragmenten echter en een groot deel van het hout werd door de zee weer meegenomen, om later gedeeltelijk terug op het strand geworpen te worden. Na overleg met de Rijksdienst zijn de resterende delen overgebracht naar de gemeentewerf aan de Nieuwe Dijk te West-Terschelling. Het scheepsfragment had een opvallende bouwwijze: een deel is overnaads gebouwd, terwijl het aansluitende bovendeel is opgebouwd uit gladboordige planken. Bij een overnaadse bouw, ook wel klinkerbouw genoemd, zijn de huidgangen overlappend (dakpansgewijs) geplaatst en zijn de gangen onderling verbonden door houten pennen, dubbel omgeslagen spijkers of klinknagels. Bij een gladboordige constructiewijze, ook wel bekend als karveelbouw, sluiten de huidplanken op elkaar aan en vormen zo een gladde scheepshuid (afb. 1.3). De combinatie en volgorde van deze twee bouwwijzen in de vaste scheepsconstructie was in Nederland nog niet eerder aangetroffen. Vanwege deze uniciteit is vanuit het Programma Maritiem Erfgoed Nederland van de Rijksdienst besloten een veldteam naar Terschelling te

Recent historiography of early modern Britain has seen a surge of interest in the rise of commercial society. The late seventeenth century, in particular, has been described as a time of 'sea change' and 'commercial revolution', a watershed moment that transformed England into an economic powerhouse, a centralized fiscal-military state and a first true global naval power. 1 Historians disagree on the characterization of this change as a rapid 'revolution', but the social and economic change that occurred between the Civil War and Act of Union can hardly be overstated. The volume of Atlantic and internal trade in England swelled manifold compared to the continental countries. Elaborate infrastructure and communication networks sprung up throughout the country, cities grew rapidly in size, shops quadrupled in number, banks extended generous credit lines and manufacturing in shipbuilding and metalwork raced ahead of all European countries. 2 By the end of the seventeenth century, London had funneled enough capital and labor from Atlantic trade and internal migration from countryside to have outperformed the most important trading city in Europe: Amsterdam. In general, there is a broad historical consensus that England and parts of Scotland had become significantly commercial, perhaps even modern, societies by the end of the seventeenth century. In this paper, I will consider Steve Pincus's methodological approach towards commercial revolution and modernity in his 1688: The First Modern Revolution. I will try to contrast it with several other approaches towards commercial revolution, including Quentin Skinner's linguistic approach, in order to examine its strengths and weaknesses in explaining the radical political and conceptual changes that took place during the late seventeenth century. I will argue that Skinner's approach is reductionist in relying only on linguistic analysis in interpreting the rise of commercial society and that Pincus's approach is 'holistic'. I will try to explain in detail later what I mean by 'holistic' and 'reductionist' and what are the particular weaknesses and strengths of these approaches. Before discussing Pincus, I will try to provide the correct context of the current debates over historical methodologies below. The commercial revolution was accompanied by a turbulent and long period of political upheavals that finally ended with a profound shift from absolute monarchy to parliamentary sovereignty as a legitimate form of government. The obvious temptation here is to draw a causal connection or at least a correlation between the economic and the political changes. But early modern historians hotly contest such convenient conceptualizations. Deep scholarly controversy remains over the importance of political reform in regulating, instituting, or even creating this commercial revolution. Was it a coincidence that the economic and political changes occurred simultaneously when in fact they were fundamentally separate historical processes? Whether they were 1

Tim Loughman's A Strange Whim of the Sea: The Wreck of the USS Macaw recounts the illfated story of the U.S.S. Macaw, a submarine rescue vessel that met a tragic end during World War II. The book centers on the events surrounding the ship's grounding and eventual sinking at Midway Atoll in early 1944 while it attempted to assist the stranded submarine, USS Flier. Drawing on survivors' testimonies and decades-old interviews, Loughman weaves a narrative intended to explore both the human and technical dimensions of this maritime disaster.

Among the Jews, the synagogue on the Sabbath and other holidays
read exclusively from the Old Testament. In the early church, a reader
was appointed who, following the example of the Jewish church, read the law and the prophets. This was followed by the sermon, which followed what had been read. In the third century, reading aloud was considered a separate service performed by a lector. In the period of the Reformation, the function of reader was reintroduced, but his function was no more than to read some chapters from God's Word prior to the actual service. In
absence of a minister, he could read some Bible chapters and the prayers
from the liturgy to the congregation by way of church service. An exploration of the solutions to the pastor shortage for which Reformed people in other countries opted gives more insight into the peculiarities of the Dutch situation.

Cet article interroge l’apparition de la date au jour près sur les dessins de paysage au XVIIIe siècle. Alors que de telles dates sont auparavant très rares, toutes iconographies confondues (avec de célèbres exceptions comme le Paysage du val d’Arno de Léonard), elles se multiplient au XVIIIe siècle sous l’effet de phénomènes d’ateliers (Nicolas Vleughels transmet cette pratique à ses élèves) et d’une redéfinition de la temporalité de l’image. Le paysage devient ainsi le lieu privilégié de la date, dans une quête croissante d’instantanéité. L’article se termine en singularisant les significations de cette inscription, qui place l’œuvre à la fois dans une temporalité cyclique ou saisonnière (tel dessin est du 12 mars) et linéaire (du 12 mars 1762, moment unique de l’histoire).

Tijdens de vroegmoderne periode groeide het kleine Ardenner dorpje Spa uit tot een wereldvermaard kuuroord. Bezoekers kwamen van heinde en verre om het heilzame bronwater te drinken. Nieuwe medische inzichten, investeringen in de stedelijke infrastructuur, een nieuwe beleving van de natuur en een kosmopolitische sfeer helpen die steile opgang te verklaren.

In 1671, the Amsterdam mayor, cartographer and collector Nicolaes Witsen (1642 – 1717) published an extensive book on Dutch shipbuilding. This work is still regarded as one of the most important sources of information about shipbuilding in the seventeenth century. However, due to the writing style, the book is very inaccessible and few people have read
the book in its entirety. Based on the information in Witsen’s work, Ab Hoving built a model of one of the ships described by Witsen in the 1980s: the ‘pinas of 134 feet’ and later made Witsen’s work more accessible with his book Nicolaes Witsen and Shipbuilding in the Dutch Golden Age. There was also a desire to make a virtual reconstruction of this ship, so that it would be accessible to a wider audience. A first version of the virtual
reconstruction was completed in 2016 during the maritime program (2012 – 2016) of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, but this reconstruction was done by a student workgroup and could not yet be used for presentation purposes. To change this, in 2019 the Maritime Program Netherlands (2018 – 2021) started developing the Witsen Scheepsbouw platform in collaboration with Ab Hoving and the company Tijdlab. Development began by converting the earlier 2016 virtual reconstruction into a format viewable on most computers. Subsequently, other modules were added to the platform, such as an encyclopaedia with ship terms and a step-by-step overview of the construction phases of a ship. With the Witsen Scheepsbouw platform, the knowledge and information from Witsen’s publication is now digitally accessible to everyone. The platform can be used free of charge by those with a professional interest in seventeenth-century shipbuilding, as well as by a wider public.

In 2022, a preliminary underwater survey was conducted by the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands (RCE) on various shipwrecks off the coast of Friesland (Netherlands). The results of the survey show that the shipwrecks date from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century. Several of these sites have high archaeological potential, and it is recommended that further archaeological research should be carried out.

Included on the following pages are all of Rembrandt’s supposed self-portraits, which, in reality, depict members of the House of Vasa of Poland—who married princesses from the House of Austria, the Habsburgs. This means that only two genuine self-portraits by Rembrandt remain. One is owned by Louis XIV’s Versailles: Self-Portrait (c. 1660) by Rembrandt van Rijn. The second is held at Kenwood House, London: Self-Portrait (c. 1665) by Rembrandt van Rijn.

Minor changes because of loosing information during conversion.

Si offre l'edizione critica, le foto dei manoscritti autografi, la traduzione italiana di appunti scritti da santa Giovanna Francesca di Chantal. Queste pagine riguardano le prime bozze di scrittura del "Teotimo. Trattato dell'Amor di Dio" di san Francesco di Sales. Durante i nove anni di redazione (1607-1616) di questo capolavoro di san Francesco di Sales, egli passò alla figlia spirituale Giovanna Francesca gli appunti dello scritto che stava formandosi.
Si tratta di pagine ritenute molto importanti sia da padre Mackey, sia da padre Ravier, ma entrambi attestano di non averle potute reperire.
Ora, questi documenti sono conservato presso il reliquiario del parlatorio, nella Visitazione di Treviso (Italia).

Politisch-militärischer Erfolg zählt seit jeher zu den wesentlichen Bemessungskriterien für die kulturelle Zuschreibung 'Historischer Größe'. Gerade Friedrichs II. Etikettierung als "der Große" verdankt sich wesentlich seinen militärischen Erfolgen in den Schlesischen Kriegen. Anhand der Figur des roi connétable werden daher ausgehend von der zeitgenössischen Wahrnehmung und Selbststilisierung Friedrichs verschiedene Bedeutungsebenen militärischer Größe herausgearbeitet: der König als strategischer Denker und Lenker, der König als aktiv unter seinen Soldaten Kämpfender und der König als die gängigen Normen der Kriegführung überschreitender 'Feldherr der Widersprüche'. Eine militärhistorische Bewertung tatsächlicher Leistungen wird dabei bewusst vermieden zugunsten einer historiographiegeschichtlichen Rekonstruktion der zahlreichen Wertungen und Umwertungen von Friedrichs militärischer Größe, die von strategischen Debatten unter Militärs bis zur grundsätzlichen Infragestellung militärischer Größe als solcher reichen. Heute als Historiker über die Frage der "historischen Größe" zu sprechen, ist schwierig. Das Thema scheint bereits selbst nur historisch behandelbar zu sein, so fremd klingt zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts der geschichtsphilosophisch imprägnierte Terminus der "historischen Größe". 1 Für Theodor Schieder war das zu Beginn der achtziger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts offenbar noch in einer anderen Weise thematisierbar, stand dieser doch in der Tradition des klassischen Historismus und berief sich in seinen "Reflexionen über historische Größe" explizit auf Jacob Burckhardts Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen. 2 Burckhardt räumt dabei gleich zu Beginn ein, nun müsse man auf alles "systematisch-wissenschaftliche verzichten." 3 Ein Kriterium für historische Größe scheint ihm "Einzigkeit und Unersetzlichkeit" eines Individuums, dessen Handeln sich auf "ein Allgemeines, d.h. ganze Völker oder ganze Kulturen" richtete. Auch sei erst das 19. Jahrhundert zu einer wirklich historischen Betrachtung der "Größe" in der Lage. Nachdem Burckhardt vom Künstler bis zum Religionsstifter unterschiedliche Repräsentanten historischer Größe abgehandelt hat, kommt er zu den Staatsmännern und Königen. Friedrich der Große als die letzte historische Persönlichkeit, die den Namen "der Große" erhielt, wird im Zusammenhang mit der Eigenschaft der "Seelenstärke" erwähnt,