1968 in Europe

There is widespread agreement that we are living in an age of "democratic backsliding," in which a growing number of formally democratic countries are falling behind previously achieved levels of democratization. But on what grounds can we claim that one level of democratic development is "higher" or "lower" than another? This question has rarely been systematically addressed in recent scholarship, despite the popularity of the language of "backsliding." Reacting to this, this article aims to retrieve a philosophically sophisticated account of democratic progress and regression from the work of Jürgen Habermas, a major figure of Frankfurt School Critical Theory. The article derives from Habermas's thought a distinctive conception of democratic progress, as well as three different meanings of "democratic regression." It also discusses some implications for social science research on democratization.

In Frankfurt, the news of Adorno’s sudden death in August 1969 struck like a thunderbolt. The author, who only twenty years earlier had returned to Germany from exile as a perfect stranger, had in the meantime become something of an icon. His lectures and seminars attracted hundreds of interested attendees, his presence was highly sought after by the media, and his public interventions – raising a critical voice in the desolate theoretical and political landscape of postwar West Germany’s economic miracle – had come to exert a remarkable influence. This was no small achievement for a thinker whose prose made no concessions to a general readership whatsoever and who articulated an attitude deeply hostile to all forms of conformism. Yet the shock of his unexpected death was not solely due to his intellectual stature. Around Adorno and the Institute for Social Research, a unique biotope of critical thinking had crystallised, bringing together several generations of intellectuals and theorists: from disciples and young professors of philosophy and sociology to social researchers, assistants and students. Some of them were not merely driven by cultural-theoretical concerns or academic ambitions, but saw in critical theory an intellectual and political endeavour they felt was their own. For all of them, Adorno’s death marked a rupture, leaving a void that seemed impossible to fill. In the months that followed, it became increasingly clear that the circumstances which had made Frankfurt a central hub of philosophical and social thought – and one of the main centres of the German student movement – were extraordinarily fragile. Institutionally, Adorno’s passing provided an opportunity to turn the page and bring an end to Frankfurt’s uniqueness as an enclave of critical theory. Politically, the extra-parliamentary left began to distance itself from Adorno, who was increasingly dismissed as an old-fashioned figure – too rigid and detached from political praxis. As a result, those who sought to continue the theoretical and political positions inspired by Adorno’s work suddenly found themselves in a state of uncertainty and apparent marginality. How could they move forward? Was it possible to remain faithful to the master’s legacy, or was it necessary to reformulate critical theory to keep it alive? And, if so, on what terms?

Tutti i volumi pubblicati nelle collane dell'editrice Studium "Cultura" ed "Universale" sono sottoposti a doppio referaggio cieco. La documentazione resta agli atti. Per consulenze specifiche, ci si avvale anche di professori esterni al Comitato scientifico, consultabile all'indirizzo web . La realizzazione della ricerca e la pubblicazione del presente volume rientrano nell'ambito delle attività scientifiche dell'area di ricerca storicopolitica dell'Istituto di Studi Politici "S. Pio V".

Marzec ’68 jest bez wątpienia jedną z najbardziej złożonych i kontrowersyjnych dat historii PRL. Pamięć o niej wymyka się jednoznacznym kwalifikacjom i niezależnie od epoki potrafi stać się zarzewiem gorących sporów i debat. Kryzys 1968 roku w wielu aspektach różni się bowiem od pozostałych „polskich miesięcy”, wokół których zwykło ogniskować się opowieść o epoce realnego socjalizmu. W przeciwieństwie do październikowej odwilży czy posierpniowego karnawału nie wiązał się ze zbiorowym doświadczeniem euforii. Jego insurekcyjny charakter jest z kolei mniej wyrazisty niż okupione krwią bunty Czerwca ’56 i  Grudnia ’70. Przez dekady Marzec obrósł mnogością interpretacji determinowanych szeregiem czynników, na które składały się m.in. osobiste doświadczenia, poczucie pokoleniowej wspólnoty, bieżący interes polityczny czy rezultaty badań historycznych. Książka Koniec złudzeń rekonstruuje, w jaki sposób narracje tworzące „marcową polifonię” ujawniały się w różnych rejestrach twórczości filmowej na przestrzeni ponad pięciu dekad dzielących nas od tamtych wydarzeń. Przedstawia film nie tylko jako zwierciadło dominujących w danym czasie dyskursów, ale również jako przestrzeń aktywnego kreowania kulturowej pamięci wypadków Marca.

Der Artikel widmet sich anhand der Akten des Bayerischen Kultusministeriums den Diskursen um die Schaffung des Ethikunterrichts in Bayern, an denen sich zeittypische politische Brüche ablesen lassen. Bereits kurz nach Kriegsende wurde in der bayerischen Landesverfassung verankert, dass für diejenigen Schüler*innen, die nicht am Religionsunterricht teilnahmen, ein "Unterricht über die allgemein anerkannten Grundsätze der Sittlichkeit einzurichten“ sei. Die Diskussion um dieses neue Fach nimmt jedoch erst in den 1970er-Jahren an Fahrt auf. Die Ausgestaltung der Lehrpläne und der allgemeinen Unterrichtsziele gestaltete sich hier zwischen Planungseuphorie, wissenschaftlichem Fortschrittsversprechen und konservativen Beharrungskräften. Die Geschichte des neuen Faches erscheint im Kontext der 1970er-Jahre weniger als spezifische Fachgeschichte denn als Brennglas, durch das zeittypische Spannungen der westdeutschen (Bildungs)politik greifbar werden. Methodisch exploriert der Artikel, wie Bildungsgeschichte als Gesellschaftsgeschichte fruchtbar gemacht werden kann.

Una sintetica storia del fotogiornalismo nell'Italia del Novecento, corredata da un'altrettanto sintetica iconografia. Il testo è tratto dal terzo volume dell'opera a cura di Italo Zannier, ""Segni di luce", nello specifico dedicato a "La fotografia italiana contemporanea", Longo Editore, Ravenna 1993.

Tekst je pokušaj revalorizacije ocene i kritike Altiserove filozofije koju su u rasponu od pola veka formulisali korifeji praksis filozofije: Gajo Petrović, Danko Grlić, Rudi Supek, Milan Kangrga i Zagorka Pešić Golubović. Praksis filozofi su bez dvoumljenja Atlisera okarakterisilai i otpisali kao staljinistu. Dokumentujući i analizirajući merodavna mesta, počevši od šezdesetih godina prošlog veka, pa do prvih decenija ovog, nalazim da se kontekst višestruko promenio, počevši od filozofskih stanovišta, država i društvenih uređenja, pa do famoznog duha vremena, ali je ocena ostala ista: Altiser je dogmatski mislilac koji je „staljinizam ogrnuo u naučno ruho“. Staljinizam je za praksisovce neka vrsta rigidnog označitelja koji ne menja smisao u svim mogućim svetovima. Naprotiv, analizirajući „Altiserov staljinizam" branim tezu da praksis filozofi nisu razumeli njegovo ahumanističko stanovište i domet „strukturalističkog" preokreta, te da su ostali daleko od činjenice da je „staljinizam" postao lebdeći označitelj, koji se u zavisnosti od konteksta menja. Vodeće ličnosti praksisa, Milan Kangrga i Rudi Supek, odbili su da uvrste jedan Altiserov tekst u međunarodno izdanje „Praxisa“, propustivši šansu da famoznu kritiku svega postojećeg upotrebe dosledno, tj. da usmere oštricu i prema vlastitom stanovištu. Ono što je u notaciji praksis filozofiji „dogmatsko", u kontekstu Altiserove filozofije označava stvaralačke napore usmerene protiv filozofskog konformizma i malograđanskog humanizma.
Ključne reči: dogmatizam, staljinizam, strukturalizam, staljinistički pozitivizam, recenzija, kritika, praksis filozofija, Luj Altiser, humanizam.

Autor knjige Aleksandar Pavković se usredsređuje na uporedne studije otcepljenja koja su se dogodila u novijem periodu: Abhazija i Srpska Krajina, Crna Gora i Katalonija, Kosovo i Čečenija (промо) Knjiga istoričara Aleksandra Pavkovića "Ogledi o otcepljenju" objavljena je nedavno u zajedničkom izdanju "Arhipelaga" i Instituta za evropske studije iz Beograda, u ediciji Kapital.

Short paper on Yoko Ono's "Cut Piece"
- Cut Piece in the art historical discourse
- Yoko Ono and Fluxus
- Cut Piece and Body Art
- Cut Piece in the 1960s
- Biographical and socio-cultural references
- Social and historical references
- Cut Piece and feminism

In order to support the eclecticism and multi-layered nature of Roversi's long literary itinerary, the persistent traces of tragic knowledge that conditioned his youthful formation should be identified, along with the historical and philosophical studies that oriented his characteristic heretical historicism. On a more strictly literary level, this paper traces his relations with traditions and with the avant-garde, not only Italian, as well as the centrality that novels have in Roversi's work.

This report explores the role of emotional sentiment, particularly the interplay between fairness and fear, in shaping negative public attitudes toward immigration in Britain during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Through a combination of archival research, press analysis, and subcultural study, it argues that much of the hostility directed at Asian immigrants, especially Pakistani and East African Asians, stemmed less from organised ideological racism and more from anxieties about economic fairness and social cohesion. Public fears that immigrants were overwhelming local services, such as housing, healthcare, and education, were deeply entwined with postwar welfare ideals rooted in the notion of earned entitlement. These anxieties were further amplified by fears of disorder, racial violence abroad, and a perceived national decline.

Within this context, the skinhead subculture became a focal point for media and political attention following violent attacks on Asian people. However, this focus often obscured the wider social conditions that enabled such violence. The paper contends that the actions of skinheads cannot be understood in isolation from the broader societal sentiment that had, by that time, eroded the moral boundaries protecting marginalised groups. Political rhetoric and media discourse routinely portrayed immigrants, gay men, and hippies as deviant, parasitic, or un-British. This discursive framing lowered the threshold for hostility and reduced the capacity of institutions, particularly the police and political actors, to mount effective responses.

By re-examining the skinhead phenomenon in light of these wider cultural dynamics, this report argues that the subculture became a lightning rod for tensions that were already present across British society. Rather than viewing the violence of the period as the expression of a fringe group, it is better understood as the product of a shifting moral landscape in which the values of fairness and fear were weaponised against those deemed outside the national consensus.

Uprkos tome što u hijerarhiji njegovih interesovanja naizgled ne zauzima istaknuto mesto, nacionalno pitanje u opusu proučavaoca književnosti Svetozara Petrovića igra važnu ulogu. Stoga se u članku dijahronijski prate različiti vidovi Petrovićevog bavljenja nacijom. Naglasak je na kontinuitetu koji je u tom pogledu vidljiv od ranih indoloških do poznih radova iz oblasti teorije stiha. Posebna se pažnja poklanja autorovom odnosu prema jeziku i kritici esencijalističkog pristupa naciji koju takav odnos podrazumeva. U zaključku se Petrovićevo shvatanje filologije sagledava ne samo kao pokušaj prevladavanja jugoslovenskih nacionalizama, nego i kao osoben doprinos filozofiji istorije i kulture.

Uprkos tome što u hijerarhiji njegovih interesovanja naizgled ne zauzima istaknuto mesto, nacionalno pitanje u opusu proučavaoca književnosti Svetozara Petrovića igra važnu ulogu. Stoga se u članku dijahronijski prate različiti vidovi Petrovićevog bavljenja nacijom. Naglasak je na kontinuitetu koji je u tom pogledu vidljiv od ranih indoloških do poznih radova iz oblasti teorije stiha. Posebna se pažnja poklanja autorovom odnosu prema jeziku i kritici esencijalističkog pristupa naciji koju takav odnos podrazumeva. U zaključku se Petrovićevo shvatanje filologije sagledava ne samo kao pokušaj prevladavanja jugoslovenskih nacionalizama, nego i kao osoben doprinos filozofiji istorije i kulture.

D a li ste se ikada zapitali, a kada ako ne u trenucima "nabo®nosti mišlje- nja" ["Frömmigkeit des Denkens"], na kojoj li je temi Vaš omiljeni filozof [Philosophus] iz susjedstva, na kojega ponekad nabasate na sastanku kuaenoga savjeta, trgu ili mo®da u kazalištu [za pojmovlje idola tribus, idola fori i idola theatri usp. F.

How can Günther Anders' concern with the threat of the atomic bomb enlighten current social thought about the Anthropocene? Building on Anders' frustration with the "apocalypse blindness", "laziness" and "indifference" of his contemporaries and his plea for an "apocalyptic passion," this text sketches the contours of a thinking in and for 'our' end times-a time marked by destruction and the irretrievable loss of habitability on this planet. It first translates Anders' notion of the end times into current debates about the Anthropocene, and then formulates three perspectives for such thinking in 'our' end times-the search for orientation, the spatiotemporal extension of responsibility, and the expansion of feelings in "the apocalyptic situation".

The main topic of the dissertation is the development and changes in the political thinking of Czech reform communism from 1968. While in the 1960s reform communism represented the dominant intellectual and political current, after the military invasion in August 1968 it gradually disappeared from the public discourse and was later completely suppressed by normalization propaganda and labeled as "counter- revolutionary" and "right-wing opportunist" ideology. The central questions of the thesis explore the changes that the political project of reform communism underwent during the twenty-one-year normalization period and the shifts that took place in the "horizon of expectation" of the Czechoslovak socialist opposition in the context of the intellectual and political changes of the 1970s and 1980s. The aim of the thesis is to explain the political perspectives of reform-communist intellectuals in the Czechoslovak opposition after 1968. They represented a...

The collapse of the communist regimes came at the time of the overall decline of the Left, both in the West and the East. In the Eastern Bloc, much of the Left's language was disqualified as a result of its association with the former communist regime, the rejection of which formed the basis of post-communist democratic identities. Although the post-communist situation was generally seen as unfavourable for leftist thought, it nevertheless represented a liberation from a regime which, in many respects, supressed leftist criticism. Social changes in 1989, guided by mass peoples' movements, enabled the Left to understand these changes through their own conceptual apparatus and integrate them with their own expectations. The defensive position of the Left and the "liberal consensus" of the nineties led the alternative leftist thought to profile itself as a leftist criticism of liberal democracy. However marginal their political position was, left-wing oriented authors...

Ausgehend von Vincent Bevins‘ Studie „If it Burns“ über die globale neoleninistische Wende der antiautoritären Bewegung untersucht der Aufsatz den Neoleninismus in Deutschland. Er greift dabei auf Hans-Jürgen Krahls Kritik der neoleninistischen Wende der antiautoritären 68er-Bewegung zurück, und zeigt die aktuellen Entwicklungen als Wiederholung der Post-68-Periode auf.

Der Neoleninismus wird dabei nicht – wie üblicherweise gegen ihn polemisiert wird – als autoritäre „Rote Gruppen“ verstanden, sondern als breite politische Verschiebung der Linken hin zu Klassenpolitik und Arbeiterorganisierung. Auch das Jacobin Magazin oder die klassenpolitische Wende der Linkspartei gehören dazu. Andererseits wird die Unterscheidung zwischen Leninismus und Stalinismus herausgearbeitet und die Relevanz der neoleninistischen Kritik an der antiautoritären Linken unterstrichen.

Unter Rückgriff auf Krahl wird die neoleninistische Wende aus den Widersprüchen des antiautoritären Bewusstseins erklärt. Beide bilden daher nicht – wie es meist scheint – schroffe Antipoden, vielmehr behält der Neoleninismus das kleinbürgerliche Bewusstsein des Antiautoritarismus bei, und kehrt es nur zu dezisionistischen Machtphantasien um. Gegenüber diesen beiden falschen Alternativen wird mit Krahl eine revolutionäre Politik umrissen, die in der Einheit von ökonomischer und kultureller Revolution, rätedemokratischen Organisationskonzepten und dem Ethos einer revolutionären Realpolitik besteht.

Il mito del Sessantotto è stato spesso raccontato da chi, allora giovane studente o lavoratore, trovava in quei movimenti di fervente protesta il primo intenso e approccio alla politica e alla rivoluzione.

A Rovereto (TN), per molti versi centro vivace e innovativo delle esperienze e delle avanguardie politiche sessantottine, viveva, proprio in quegli anni, l’anziano Remo Costa, legionario in gioventù, poi partigiano e
dirigente nazionale del PCI.

Le riflessioni di Costa sugli studenti in piazza, le annotazioni sulla cronaca mondiale, i ragionamenti su Marx e Gramsci, le incursioni teoriche su concetti come socialismo democratico, rivoluzione, egemonia, crisi organica, democrazia sono ancora fortemente attuali e necessitano di una profonda rielaborazione ed attualizzazione. Tessendo insieme i molti fili di cui si compone il suo diario, emerge un quadro atipico, sicuramente altro dalla narrazione di chi visse il 1968 nelle piazze, restituendo a questo crocevia della Storia tutta la sua complessità. E che stimola e continuamente costringe a una nuova domanda: il Sessantotto fu il punto di arrivo di molti processi emancipatori o l’inizio dello sgretolamento individualista nella società dei consumi?

L'actuel regain d'intérêt pour l'oeuvre de Vidal de La Blache est-il un signe avant-coureur d'une réhabilitation de la géographie traditionnelle ? La géographie a de toute évidence progressé dans la maîtrise de son épistémologie. Il est possible d'identifier le processus de formulation de la pensée vidalienne. On peut également identifier les liens de validation réciproque qu'entretiennent la connaissance géographique et les stratégies planificatrices.

Più volte Ungaretti si è trovato a promuovere l’opera degli scrittori del Gruppo 63 destando stupore tra i molti, compresi gli stessi giovani del Gruppo, che vedevano nella figura del grande poeta l’immagine dell’arroccato difensore della tradizione. A cominciare dall’amicizia con Edoardo Sanguineti, nata già negli anni Cinquanta grazie a un fitto scambio epistolare, l’articolo mette in rilievo le dinamiche e le ragioni che hanno portato Ungaretti ad avvicinarsi ai poeti della Neoavanguardia e a promuoverne le poetiche; parallelamente, traccia la fisionomia del particolare magistero riconosciuto al vecchio poeta da parte dei giovani avanguardisti, quale esempio di continua ricerca del nuovo, di apertura e libertà d’azione, sotto il segno dell’inquietudine nei confronti del presente. Ungaretti promoted the writers of Group 63 several times, amazing who saw the great poet as the entrenched defender of tradition, including the young poets of the Group themselves. Starting from his friendship with Edoardo Sanguineti, born during the 1950s with a dense exchange of letters, the article highlights the dynamics and reasons that led Ungaretti to approach the poets of the Neo-avant-garde and to promote their poetics; at the same time, it traces the particular physiognomy of “master” that the young avant-gardists recognized in to the old poet, as an example of continuous search for the new, of openness and freedom, moved by a constant ‘inquietude’ for the present.

Dal profondo della Toscana periferica, da quel lembo di Maremma stretta tra il mare e le colline dove sorge la cittadina di Follonica, nell'ultimo decennio si è fatta strada una delle voci più originali della narrativa italiana. Oggi cinquantenne, figlio di un operaio, con un passato alle spalle da migrante in Inghilterra e da lavoratore precario nei settori apparentemente più marginali del mercato del lavoro, Alberto Prunetti nell'arco di dieci anni ha scritto una trilogia e iniziato a curare la collana Working class delle edizioni Alegre, divenendo una figura di riferimento nell'ambito della letteratura "lavorista", in Italia e all'estero, fino alla recente pubblicazione di un libro ibrido, spiccatamente militante, che mi ha spinto a ricercare un'occasione di approfondimento con lui sui temi che solleva. Conosco Alberto praticamente dagli esordi, fin da quando venne nella mia città, Pistoia, a presentare il suo primo libro, Amianto, al circolo ricreativo aziendale della Breda -oggi Hitachi -, la storica fabbrica di treni cittadina, dove l'asbesto ha mietuto, e continua a mietere a distanza di decenni, tante vittime. Successivamente ci siamo continuati a incontrare in occasioni simili o in giornate di studi storici dove intervenivamo insieme, compreso un convengo in cui ha presentato una sua ricerca sulle scritture operaie 1 . Negli ultimi mesi, mi sono ritrovato a rileggere tutto d'un fiato i suoi libri, nel quadro di una mia indagine sull'attuale narrativa lavorista che cercava di identificarne alcuni caratteri distintivi e salienti, circostanza che rappresenta l'altro motivo che mi ha portato a ricercare con lui il dialogo qui pubblicato, che abbiamo avuto in un pomeriggio di fine gennaio a Follonica, giornata di per sé significativa e di cui dirò a breve.

for the thoughts they shared with me. 3 In earlier generations this was not as important as today, as home tuition and autodidacticism filled the gap. 4 As students many support various distinct left-wing ideologies, but as they mature these melt away.

Annali 23, AAMOD: https://www.cpadver-effigi.com/blog/labanta-ex-colonie-portoghesi-e-cinema-italiano/
    Questo saggio è una traduzione di parti dello Studio Preliminare di M. Mestman (pp. 7-177) del libro in spagnolo Los condenados de la tierra: un film tra Europa e il Terzo Mondo (Alberto Filippi e M. Mestman, Akal, Buenos Aires 2022).

for the thoughts they shared with me. 3 In earlier generations this was not as important as today, as home tuition and autodidacticism filled the gap. 4 As students many support various distinct left-wing ideologies, but as they mature these melt away.

En Fráncfort, la noticia de la repentina muerte de Adorno en agosto de 1969 cayó como un rayo. El autor, que apenas veinte años antes había regresado del exilio como un perfecto desconocido, se había convertido entre tanto en una especie de icono. Sus clases y seminarios atraían a centenares de interesados, su presencia era codiciada en los medios y sus intervenciones públicas-que alzaban una voz crítica en el desolado paisaje teórico-político de la Alemania del milagro económico-ha

opened at the Guggenheim Museum in New York presenting, in addition to artworks, design, fashion and cinema fixed in the American collective imagination as typically Italian, even evoking clichés about Italian style. The objects, the chronological span and the curatorial discourses were functional to an American narrative and resumed choices and formulas used since the post-war period to promote Italian products in the United States. This article intends to give an account of the exhibition and its feedbacks, contextualising it and hypothesizing the reasons for recalling narratives from almost fifty years earlier, in 1994.

Проф. Проданов, къде според вас стигнахме след 23 години преход от 10 ноември 1989 г. до днес? Какви характеристики на този процес разкривате във вашата "Теория на българския преход"? -Проучвания в цяла Източна Европа, дори и в Източна Германия, в която бяха вложени огромни средства, показват голямо разочарование от случилото се през 23-те години след промените от 1989-а, както и носталгия по предходния период. Интерпретациите защо това е така са различни, но е факт, че голяма част от хората, включително у нас, се възприемат като загубили от настъпилите трансфор-© КИРИЛ КОНСТАНТИНОВ

This study serves as an introduction to György Lukács' work "Lenin: A Study on the Unity of His Thought". The paper examines the evolution of Lukács's thought, highlighting the key concepts articulated in the text and exploring its connections to his earlier work, "History and Class Consciousness", as well as to the political and ideological context of the period. Furthermore, it assesses the book's role in contemporaneous political debates, traces the shifts in its reception over the ensuing century, and critically evaluates its enduring theoretical contributions.

This study examines the Prague Spring of 1968, focusing on the emergence and significance of workers' councils in Czechoslovakia as part of a broader movement toward self-governing socialism. The author, Petr Kužel, argues that the Prague Spring was not merely a push for liberal democratic reforms but an attempt to transcend the separation of politics and economics, extending democracy into the economic sphere. The workers' councils, which represented nearly 900,000 workers, were a key element of this effort, aiming to decentralize economic decision-making and empower workers in managing enterprises.

The study highlights the debates surrounding the nature and authority of these councils, tracing their evolution from technocratic proposals to more radical self-management models. It also explores the role of key figures like Ota Šik, who advocated for economic reforms and workers' participation in enterprise management. The councils gained significant public support, particularly among skilled workers and technical intelligentsia, and were seen as a means to combat bureaucratic inefficiency and promote economic democracy.

However, the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces in August 1968 and the subsequent normalization process led to the gradual dismantling of the workers' councils. Despite their brief existence, the councils represented a unique moment in which workers, students, intellectuals, and reformist party leaders collaborated to challenge the bureaucratic state and envision a more democratic socialist society.

Attempting to establish the theory of democracy as critique, this paper argues that Jürgen Habermas' theory of the public sphere is itself a contribution to the project of emancipation. In carrying on the argument, I proceed by re-actualizing his theory of the public sphere mainly in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere and Between Facts and Norms; then, I will try to make sense of the theory of the public sphere as critique, that is, democracy as the realm of critique.

[Summary of the doctoral thesis]

The doctoral thesis focuses on analyzing how the internal problems of the United States were presented in the Polish press between 1961 and 1969. The study aimed to determine the propaganda mechanisms used by PRL media regarding the U.S. and identify techniques of information manipulation.

The analysis employs both quantitative and qualitative research methods, utilizing tools from discourse analysis, media studies, linguistics, and press history. The study is based on an extensive source base, covering a variety of press titles—from official party organs to Catholic press and the American periodical Ameryka.

The findings indicate that the Polish press consistently constructed a negative image of the United States, employing an ideological confrontation strategy and depicting the U.S. as a country in social and political crisis. Special attention was given to how the civil rights movement, anti-war protests, presidential elections, and political assassinations of the 1960s were reported. The study demonstrates the existence of a coherent propaganda narrative based on a dichotomous world division, selective presentation of facts, and the use of stereotypes.

The thesis concludes that the propaganda mechanisms used in the PRL not only reflected communist ideology but also fit into the broader communication system of the Eastern Bloc. The research highlights these techniques' universality and significance in shaping social perceptions during the Cold War, providing new perspectives on studies of propaganda and media communication history.

Kisantal Tamás "Nyiszlingtől" az "atomfasizmusig" -Nyiszli Miklós memoárjának olvasatai * 1947 nyarán a nagyváradi Szigligeti Színház különös bírósági tárgyalásnak adott otthont. A törvényszék elnöke egy zsidó származású ügyvéd, dr. Nádai István volt, a bíróság egyik tagja román, a másik magyar, mindketten keresztények. Az ügyészi szerepet dr. Csehi Gyula, középiskolai tanár, irodalmár, a Kommunista Párt tagja vállalta, míg a védelmet egy valódi ügyvéd látta el. A pert hatalmas érdeklődés kísérte, teltház volt, szinte a csilláron is lógtak az emberek. Az eset kacsán nem is a helyszín, a színház a legfurcsább, hiszen ezekben az esztendőkben nemegyszer előfordult, hogy egy-egy nagyobb, közérdeklődésre számot tartó tárgyalás a jogi szférán kívül, a teátrális térbe került át -például Budapesten a legfontosabb háborús bűnösök pereinek a Zeneakadémia adott otthont. A némiképp szedett-vedett ítélőszéknél még különösebb a vádlott "személye", ugyanis a ceremónia során egy könyvről, a Doktor Mengele boncolóorvosa voltam Auschwitzban című kötetről mondtak ítéletet. Irodalmi törvényszéket rendeztek tehát, egy korabeli tudósítás szerint a középkori inkvizíciós tárgyalásokhoz hasonlóan, amelyeken gyakran az adott könyvet az ítélethozás után máglyán égették meg -szerzőjével együtt. Bár ezen a peren a kötet írója, Nyiszli Miklós is részt vett, ő maga csak áttételesen számított vádlottnak, így "legfeljebb" az erkölcsi ítélettel és megbélyegzéssel kellett szembenéznie. Igen komoly vádak hangzottak el a könyvvel és persze írójával kapcsolatban. Az ügyész egyiküket sem kímélte: a mű szerinte rosszul megírt, hatásvadász, irodalmiatlan munka, amely nem ábrázolja megfelelően a fasizmust, mi több, Csehi azt állította, hogy a szöveg egyfajta alázatot tanúsít a bűnösökkel szemben, az áldozatokat pedig meglehetősen rideg színekkel festi le. Az ügyész legerősebb kijelentése a szerzőre vonatkozott, ugyanis Nyiszlit olyasféle zsidóként állította be, aki, ha hagyják, bizonyára maga is náci lett volna. A vádbeszédet követően egymás után vonultak fel a tanúk: egy görögkeleti pap, aki már a vasgárdista időkben is híres volt zsidószimpátiájáról; több hajdani auschwitzi rab, köztük egy orvos, Imre Andor, aki többek közt az emberek auschwitzi fiziológiai elváltozásairól beszélt; valamint egy író és a nagyváradi alpolgármester. Ezután a védő majd egyórás beszéde jött, amelyben kifejtette, hogy a szerzőt semmilyen egyéb szándék nem vezérelte a könyvével, csupán dokumentálni akarta az eseményeket. Az "utolsó szó jogán" maga Nyiszli is beszédet mondott. Összesen két percet kapott, és -legalábbis az eseményről tudósító újságíró szerintnem keltett túl nagy szimpátiát a hallgatóság soraiban, pedig jóhiszeműségét hangoztatta. Végül megszületett az ítélet: a törvényszék bizonyos vádpontokban elmarasztalta a könyvet, másokban pedig felmentette. A legsúlyosabb, sokak által felhánytorgatott kérdés azonban nem szerepelt a konkrét vádak között: az, hogy Nyiszli haszonlesésből, pénzért írta és jelentette meg hajdani szörnyű élményeit. Maga a perről szóló tudósítás szerzője is alig titkolta, hogy egyetért ezen utóbbi állítással, ugyanis cikkének végén megjegyezte: Nyiszli bizonyára elégedett lehetett a tárgyalással, hiszen az nagy publicitást és reklámot biztosított a könyvének. 1 A nagyváradi tárgyalás még csak nem is az első ilyen esemény volt, ugyanis korábban már Kolozsvárott is "törvényszék" elé citálták Nyiszli művét. Ez a per azonban a szerző teljes felmentésével végződött -legalábbis maga Nyiszli így emlékezett vissza egy, a Haladásba írt olvasói levelében. 2 A két esemény nemcsak azért tűnik mai szemmel furcsának, mert a 20. században nem túl gyakori, hogy egy könyvet bíróság elé állítsanak -még ha csak szimbolikusan is -, hanem amiatt is, mivel erőteljesen ellentmond a Nyiszli-mű körüli mai

Lorenzo Carletti and Cristiano Giometti meticulously reconstruct the unrealized 1940 MoMA exhibition, For Us the Living. Highlighting the exhibition's ambition to juxtapose totalitarianism and American democracy, the book critically examines its propagandistic underpinnings and the cultural blind spots of its creators.

L’articolo offre una panoramica generale del carteggio inedito tra Roberto Roversi e Franco Fortini, conservato in parte presso l’Archivio Franco Fortini della Biblioteca Umanistica dell’Università di Siena, in parte presso l’Archivio privato di Antonio Bagnoli a Bologna. Attraverso una selezione di lettere vengono esplorati temi ed episodi centrali dello scambio epistolare, dalla comune partecipazione alla redazione di «Officina» fino alle tensioni politiche che portarono verso la fine degli anni Settanta alla definitiva rottura tra i due intellettuali. All’analisi dei singoli documenti è affiancata una ricostruzione essenziale del contesto culturale al cui interno si sviluppò il dialogo tra due dei protagonisti della storia letteraria e critico-militante del secondo Novecento.

The study offers a general survey of the unpublished correspondence between Roberto Roversi and Franco Fortini, preserved partly in the Archivio Franco Fortini of the University of Siena and partly in the private archive of Antonio Bagnoli in Bologna. Through a selection of letters, the central themes and episodes of the epistolary exchange are explored, from the common participation in the editorial board of «Officina» to the political tensions that led in the late 1970s to the definitive break between the two intellectuals. The analysis of the documents is accompanied by an essential reconstruction of the cultural context in which the dialogue between two of the protagonists of the literary and critical-militant history of the second half of the 20th century was developed.