1979 Iranian Revolution

Eldad Ben Aharon’s book is the first to explore Israeli–Turkish relations during the 1980s—a decade often overlooked due to the absence of formal diplomatic ties. Although Turkey appeared to distance itself from Israel, his book reveals how Cold War-era ontological security concerns played a key role in strengthening bilateral relations behind the scenes. These ontological fears included Turkey’s potential departure from NATO, as well as Ankara and Jerusalem’s growing efforts to combat regional terrorism in the late 1970s and 1980s.

Divided into three sections, this book attributes the deepening of Ankara–Jerusalem ties in the 1980s to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ efforts to support the denial of the 1915 Armenian Genocide in international forums. Ben Aharon presents case studies of four distinct episodes and examines their connections and the diplomatic manoeuvring involved.

His book demonstrates that Israeli–Turkish relations during the late Cold War were shaped by a range of regional and global factors. Among the most significant factors were the ripple effect of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, Turkey’s 1980 military coup, and the rise of Turgut Özal. These factors were compounded by Turkey’s 1987 application to the European Economic Community, U.S. foreign policy under Reagan, the first American 'war on terror,' and broader shifts in Turkish domestic and foreign policy.

Paying special attention to the educational role of the aspects of war in the life makes the lifestyle a much more important subject. This qualitative study was conducted with the purpose of identifying the Islamic lifestyle components in the written memory of "Da", one of the written works in the holy defense, by applying the Grounded Theory research strategy; thus, after analyzing and comparing the qualitative data related to the subject, the Islamic lifestyle components were extracted in the form of 43 concepts and 8 main categories. According to the results, its main categories were as follows: belief and religious issues, educational issues, moral issues, motivational issues, unity and solidarity, purposefulness, rationalism, and pragmatism, that belief and religious issues had the most frequency compared to the other components in this written memory.

Although the concept of "maternal right" is apparently obvious, it is always ambiguous in terms of meaning and scope. This term first came in the secondary sources of international law and some international documents, and there is not a comprehensive definition of it yet. The present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing Imam Khomeini's ideas and the Iranian law about maternal right. The data were collected by examining the related written sources and were analyzed by a documentary-library method. The results pointed out that although the term "maternal right" is not clearly expressed in Imam Khomeini's thoughts and the Iranian law, many rights are considered for the mothers. The scope of rights considered for the mothers in the Iranian law and especially in Imam Khomeini's thoughts is broader than the scope of such rights in the international law. Moreover, in the international law, the rights considered for mothers often come in the secondary sources such as General Assembly resolutions, while in the Iranian law, such rights are obliging and even in some cases, the level of their obligation is the extent to which not only they are considered for the mothers, but also they are commitments to be done by others.

The approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran's constitution and general policies to establishing a family legal system emerges from the religion of Islam, is in accordance with society's conditions, and is based on improving and strengthening the foundation of family. This descriptive-analytical research aimed to analyze the current criminal policy in family criminal affairs with an emphasis on the structure of criminal justice system, which is in conformity with these values, realities, and conditions. The results showed that there is a big meaningful gap between the current situations of the structure of our country's criminal justice institutions in the realm of family and Sharia, our country's constitution, general policies, and managerial-criminological approaches, because of, on the one hand, formulating punitive and security-centered strategies, and the other hand, determining multiple authorities to handle the family claims and disputes, and the increasing growth of these structures. In practice, not only do these separate structures not have the necessary efficiency for achieving the specific and differential goals predicted in those policies, but also those provide the requirements of the collapse of family by the inverse efficiency. Therefore, regarding the specific conditions, requirements, and goals, it is necessary to design and formulate a differential criminal policy for the realm of family. In this differential criminal policy, this research suggests deleting the current separate structures, along with prioritizing the formation, improvement, and strength of family, and the current family court in our country's judicial system, with a unique centralized position, applies this differential criminal policy in a comprehensive manner to all different family issues and dimensions.

The approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran's constitution and general policies to establishing a family legal system emerges from the religion of Islam, is in accordance with society's conditions, and is based on improving and strengthening the foundation of family. This descriptive-analytical research aimed to analyze the current criminal policy in family criminal affairs with an emphasis on the structure of criminal justice system, which is in conformity with these values, realities, and conditions. The results showed that there is a big meaningful gap between the current situations of the structure of our country's criminal justice institutions in the realm of family and Sharia, our country's constitution, general policies, and managerial-criminological approaches, because of, on the one hand, formulating punitive and security-centered strategies, and the other hand, determining multiple authorities to handle the family claims and disputes, and the increasing growth of these structures. In practice, not only do these separate structures not have the necessary efficiency for achieving the specific and differential goals predicted in those policies, but also those provide the requirements of the collapse of family by the inverse efficiency. Therefore, regarding the specific conditions, requirements, and goals, it is necessary to design and formulate a differential criminal policy for the realm of family. In this differential criminal policy, this research suggests deleting the current separate structures, along with prioritizing the formation, improvement, and strength of family, and the current family court in our country's judicial system, with a unique centralized position, applies this differential criminal policy in a comprehensive manner to all different family issues and dimensions.

Introduction: As we all know, sport is an integral part of life. Exercise can be started and continued at different ages. Of course, it is agreed that it is better and easier to start and continue exercise at a young age (adolescence and youth) because there is more freedom of thought and physical there is more energy, but in any case, if someone wants to start exercising and, as the saying goes, wants to do it, he will definitely do it. Now, in this book, we are trying to introduce the method of teaching inline skating (linear). It is hoped that the material presented in this book will be fruitful.

The Iran-Israel rivalry was not sparked by ideological differences, nor is it being sustained by ideology. To fully comprehend the contours of this rivalry, it is imperative to look beyond the surface-level narrative of ideological antagonism and delve into the calculated strategic decisions that have characterized the Iran-Israel entente as a theatre of realpolitik.

Kaveh the Blacksmith (Romanized: Kāve A ̄hangar) is a heroic gure in Iranian mythology. According to the Shahnameh, the national epic of Iran written by the 10th-century Persian poet Ferdowsi, Kaveh fearlessly led an uprising against a ruthless foreign ruler named Zahāk. His courageous leadership, particularly in uniting Iranians against the common enemy, led to the expulsion of foreigners and re-establishing Iranian rule. His ability to unite Iranians under the Sasanian ag, a symbol of unity, was a signi cant aspect of his heroism. The Guadeloupe Conference, a pivotal meeting in Guadeloupe from January 4th, to 7th, 1979, involving leaders of four Western powers: the United States, West Germany, the United Kingdom, and France, was a momentous event in Iranian history. At this conference, the strategy to topple the Pahlavi Dynasty and install Khomeini in power was devised, a decision that would profoundly shape Iran's future. Therefore, Iranians are once again raising the Sasanian ag to overthrow the Islamic Republic of Iran, and our modern-day Kaveh Ahangar, our beacon of hope, is none other than Monarch Reza Pahlavi II. He stands as a symbol of our aspirations for a better future, embodying the hope and vision of many Iranians.

فصل پیش‌رو به رابطه بین یکی از گروه‌های اصلی چپ‌گرا و مبارزه آزادی‌بخش ملی کوردها در بستر انقلاب می‌پردازد. این فصل با تمرکز بر «سازمان چریک‌های فدایی خلق» (سچفخا) در ارتباط با رویدادهای کوردستان از فوریه ۱۹۷۹ تا اکتبر ۱۹۸۰ [از بهمن ۱۳۵۷ تا آبان ۱۳۵۸]، و با تکیه بر مستندات و نشریات حزبی به زبان‌های فارسی و کُردی، روایت‌های منتشر شده از شاهدان عینی و مصاحبه‌های جدید تاریخ شفاهی، این استدلال را مطرح می‌کند که معمای مسئله ملی در نظریه مارکسیستی-لنینیستی، همراه با دیدگاه‌های فارسی‌محور و دولت-ملت محورِ ریشه دوانده در چپ [ایرانی] ، به طور مستقیم با آرمان جهان سوم‌گرایی مبنی بر همبستگی با مردمان تحت ستم در کوردستان ایران پس از انقلاب در تضاد قرار گرفت. به عقیده ما، این تضاد در شکست آلترناتیو چپ در دوره پساانقلابی نقش قابل‌توجهی داشت. از یک منظر کلی‌تر، ما استدلال می‌کنیم تضاد مذکور سویه‌ای مهم اما مورد مطالعه قرار نگرفته‌ای از سرنوشت جهان‌سومی‌گرایی در خاورمیانه است. مترجم: نوید جوانمردی

سخنی با خواننده:
دل به خیابان های تهران که می سپاریم، متوجه می شویم که در گوشه و کنار آن، بازار فست فود، پیتزاهای جورواجور، و همبرگرهای مختلف، حسابی داغ است؛ اما کافی است کمی در تاریخ، سفر کنیم و ببینیم پیش از پیدایش این‌گونه غذاها، بازار غذاهای داغ، از آن چه غذایی بوده است؟
چلوکباب، نام غذایی است که همۀ ما ایرانیان و حتّا خارجیانی که به ایران سفر کرده‌اند، به خوبی آن را می‌شناسد؛ و خاطرات خوشمزّه ای از آن را به یاد دارند. غذایی که در روزگاری نه چندان دور، به عنوان وعده ای شاهانه شناخته می‌شد؛ و طبقات مختلف جامعه، برای آن ارزش زیادی قائل بودند.

SUBJECT & OBJECTIVES: One of the most significant issues in the contemporary world is women's legal status and social activities. Afghanistan is at the forefront of women's discussions due to its drastic changes and developments. This article aims to examine the status of women in this country's traditional and historical context to provide a solution to various issues and problems.
METHOD & FINDING: Our findings indicate that Afghan women have faced numerous challenges throughout history, although there were periods, such as the Kushan Empire age when they found a respectable position. The advent of Islam initially promoted cultural tolerance and respect for women, promoting their status among Muslim nations. However, during the ‘Umayyad and ‘Abbāsid Dynasties, class and racial discrimination contributed to a decline in women's status. The emergence of local dynasties such as the Ṭāhirīds, Ṣafārīds, and Sāmānīds brought political stability and gradual cultural development, although women's social participation remained limited. The Ġaznavīd era marked a turning point, providing a more favorable environment for women's education and rights, while the Timūrīd era witnessed the peak of women's involvement in social affairs.
CONCLUSION: Overall, the status of Afghan women has fluctuated considerably, with their current situation experiencing significant ups and downs due to changing political circumstances. By reflecting on the past, we aim to provide insight into their status from history to the contemporary age.

Spragens's theory of crisis is presented to understand political ideas in the form
of dividing the text of thought into propositions focused on the crisis, the causes
of the crisis, the solution to the crisis, and an ideal society without crisis. The
present study, by utilizing this theory, attempts to understand the dominant
thought in the book The Ideology of the Iranian Constitutional Movement
written by Fereydoun Adamiyat, using a library method and the method of
content analysis. The assumption of this study is that the historian of thought and
society, which carries the changes in thought, practically acts as a political
theorist by analyzing and selecting reports. Therefore, by relying on the
commonality of both fields of political thought and history in relying on the text,
it is possible to reread the Adamiyat's The Ideology from the perspective of
Spragens' theory. The achievement of this study shows that Adamiyat, like a
political thinker, also believed in the existence of a crisis in the society he
narrated in his work. This crisis had manifested itself in political, social, and
economic forms, and Iranian society was suffering from it on the eve of
constitutionalism. Adamiyat considers the causes of this crisis to be Absolutism,
i.e., the absence of the rule of law and the Iranian society's lack of a legislative
assembly and an efficient government based on the law, and he considers
constitutionalism to be the way out of it, relying on the creation of a legislative
assembly and the establishment of a government based on the spirit of Iranian
nationality. An analysis of the work's themes shows that Adamiyat's ideal society
is a modernized Iranian society in the Western style, in which the concepts of
people, rights, and freedom are given authority and a structure based on law, a
parliament, and an efficient government are put into practice.

جد وجہد فلسطین اس وقت سے (یعنی 1919ء) جاری ہے جب برطانیہ نے فلسطین پر قبضہ حاصل کر لیا تھا۔  1949ء، 1956ء ، 1973ء – 1976ء اور 24-2023ء جہاد کی پیش رفت میں اہم سال ہیں۔ یہ مضمون گذشتہ برسوں میں جو تبدیلیاں رونما ہوئیں ان سے بحث نہیں کرے گا بلکہ حالیہ صورت حال پر توجہ مرکوز کرے گا اور جہاد کے جاری رہنے اور کامیابی سے ہمکنار ہونے کے امکانات کا جائزہ لے گا۔
حالیہ صورت حال
جہاد کے حالیہ مرحلہ میں اس کے شرکاء حسب ذیل ہیں:
1۔ حماس
2۔ اسرائیل اور امریکا
3۔ حزب اللہ
4۔ ایران
5۔ مجاہدین اسلام کے مقبوضہ علاقے
6۔ بالواسطہ لبنان، شام اور مغربی ساحلی

دلیل اول، ویژگی شخصیّتی خامنه ای است:
خامنه ای فوبیای جنگ و کشته شدن در ناآرامیها را دارد. مرحوم بنی صدر تعریف می‌کرد در پشت جبهه که بودیم، با صدای مهیبی که شنیدیم، دیدیم خامنه ای یک مرتبه ناپدیدشد!
بعد متوجّه شدیم که رفته زیر یک نیمکت قایم شده! در نتیجه حال که ترامپ هویج (توافق = تسلیم) و چماق (هواپیماهای بی تو) را بالای سر خامنه ای نگه داشته، بعید می‌دانم چنین کسی با چنین مشخصّه ای، هویج را واگذارد!
دلیل دوم همین استدلال قرآن است که به آن پرداختم؛ بویژه جمله حکیمانه ملکه سبأ که:
هنگامی که پادشاهان به شهری وارد شوند، آن را به فساد میکشانند و بزرگان آن شهر را خوار میگردانند.

This paper investigates the emergence of a new discourse vis-à-vis literary representations of Iran in the West, focusing on Professor Fatemeh Keshavarz’s Jasmine and Stars: Reading More Than Lolita in Tehran (2007) as a case in point. In so doing, this article analyzes Keshavarz’s construction of a discourse of resistance against (neo-)Orientalist discourses through the modus operandi of strategic auto-Orientalism. Capitalizing on her authorial dual-situatedness, Keshavarz represents Iran through its longstanding tradition of classical and contemporary Persian literature and cultural heritage, hence challenging Azar Nafisi’s glorification of canonical Western, and dismissal of Persian, literatures in Reading Lolita in Tehran. Furthermore, in introducing two eminent contemporary female Iranian writers, Forough Farrokhzad and Shahrnush Parsipur, Keshavarz highlights the active political, social, and literary agency of Iranian women through her engagement with their life and works. Finally, Keshavarz’s discourse provides a critical space wherein the voices of prominent Iranian figures little known in the West can come to the fore.

برای فاتح جنگ “حجت”؛ به یاد مهندس بازرگان
30 دی 1373مصادف است با درگذشت مهندس مهدی بازرگان.
متن زیر خلاصه ای است از زندگی انسانی که بر روی زمین، آسمانی زیست.
سیاستمداری که “مدارا، “اخلاق و شرافت انسانی” در سیاست را در هنگامهء هجوم “تشنگان قدرت” با لباس دین، معنایی دوباره بخشید.

بخشی از فصل اول کتاب «برای زمین و فرهنگ: جنبش شورایی ترکمنان در ایران ۱۳۵۷-۱۳۵۸» که به شکل‌گیری جنبش‌های کارگری در آستانه‌ و پس ازانقلاب۱۳۵۷ می‌پردازد. .
ترجمه فارسی از محمد صفوی

Persian translation of a section from Chapter 1 of "For Land and Culture: The Grassroots Council Movement of Turkmens in Iran, 1979-1980" which attends to the formation of the workers' councils prior to and after the 1979 Revolution in Iran.
Persian translation by Mohammad Safavi

This paper presents and places in its historical and intellectual context an article by Jalāl Āl-e Aḥmad (1923-1969) on the topic of nihilism in the works of Dostoevskij. It analyses the reception of some of the most important works of the Russian writer in Iran during the 1960s and it highlights the similarities that Āl-e Aḥmad perceived between the political and intellectual context of Russia in the decades that preceded the October Revolution and that of Iran during his time.

In late 2022, after the rise and repression of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, a strange condition emerged among schoolgirls across Iran. While on school premises, young women momentarily lost cognitive and motor functions and became incapacitated. The Iranian public came to recognize and debate the schoolgirls’ condition as a case of mass poisoning that was caused by harmful antigens and criminal agents. This essay offers an alternative to this medical-juridical framing. It locates the incapacitation of the schoolgirls in relation to the limits of debates about women and Islamic society and the ensuing circulation of danger and destructive power that the author conceptualizes psychopolitically through the concept of witchcraft. Rather than treating the schoolgirls’ condition or the Woman, Life, Freedom movement as a momentary lapse of the social, the author conceptualizes them as a manifestation of the impossibility of the social, one that issues from a broader historical and epistemological condition: the incapacitation of tradition. While focused on revolutionary Iran, this study bears on the impersonal circulation of violence and deathliness amid the contemporary incapacitation of authoritative traditions such as religion, science, and law.

The First Economic and Social Development Plan, which began in 1989 following the coming to power of the fifth government and a relative consensus among government institutions and social forces, was a fundamental turn and transformation in the economic policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This shift - from a focus on "social justice" to "economic growth" - was designed to strengthen the foundations of entrepreneurship and increase the share of the private sector in the industrial economy. The plan aimed to achieve these goals through privatization policies, the return of expelled and exiled capitalists, and the attraction of foreign capital. However, three years after its implementation, the plan was derailed by unprecedented inflation, increasing corruption, economic instability, growing criticism from opposition forces, and the emergence of social protests. This paper adopts a political economy approach and uses John Kingdon’s “policy window” model to explain the underlying reasons for this policy shift and its eventual failure. The study concludes that the 1989 shift from a state-controlled, distributive economy to an economy of industrial growth and development began with the convergence of three processes: the intensification of social welfare demands after the war, the revision of the constitution and the subsequent restructuring of political power, and the presentation of a clear development agenda by technocrats. These elements temporarily opened a policy window that allowed for the pursuit of industrial growth initiatives. but the economic policies of the fifth administration failed due to the lack of a comprehensive strategy, deviation from the principles of adjustment and privatization policies, and the inability of politicians and policymakers to properly exploit the limited opportunity created. When the policy window was closed, the economic and industrial growth and development program was stopped and the government's economic policy returned to distribution policies and social justice.

آخرین بخش از تذکره الاولیای معاصر مروری است بر تحولات دهه 40 و 50 شمسی که در واقع پیمودن راه انقلاب بود یکبار به صورت سفید و یکبار به صورت سرخ. از چهره های این دو دهه فاطمه معتمدآریا، نسرین ستوده، اصغر فرهادی، عباس کاظمی و محسن نامجو نیز یاد کرده ام.

تنها امامزادگانی که شجره نامه درستی داشته‌اند و معمولاً در ایران هستند، در دوره ای که مغضوب حکام اموی شده‌اند، از عراق به ایران سفر کرده، زندگی کرده اند؛ و پس از مرگ همین جا دفن شده‌اند. تازه از آن‌ها نیز نباید درخواست چیزی کرد چون مرده‌اند و تنها باید از خدای زنده و حی و حاضر درخواست کنیم!
بنابراین، متولّیان این‌گونه اماکن خواسته اند به تقلید از متولّیان دین مسیحیت، شریک جیب مردم عامّی خشک مقدّس شوند، و به مال و منالی برسند. البته متولّیان مسیحی بیشتر برای تبلیغ دین مسیح؛ ولی در شیعه، بیشتر برای پرشدن جیب متولّیان!

سقوط برق‌آسای رئیس‌جمهور مادام‌العمر سوریه پس از گذشت سیزده سال از نخستین اعتراضات مدنی ضد بشار اسد تا جنگ داخلی و کشتار دولتی مردم بی‌دفاع در مقیاس صنعتی برای هیچ‌کس قابل انتظار نبود. این فروپاشی خیره‌کننده به‌نحوی با تمام مسائل سیاسی دیگر خاورمیانه در یک سده اخیر گره خورده است: برآمدن ناسیونالیسم عربی در سرزمین‌هایی چون عراق و مصر و سوریه، ظهور خداسالاری شیعی در ایران و اشتراک همه این گرایش‌ها در‌یهودستیزی و آمریکاستیزی. از دل تجربه ایدئولوژی عربی فقط مصر توانست ناسیونالیسم تهاجمی جمال عبدالناصر را در خلال دهه‌ها بدل به یک سیاست‌ورزی صلح‌آمیز منطقه‌ای کند.

The liability of joint stock company managers according to the principle of limited liability is an important issue that is the subject of debate and disagreement. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to evaluate the liability of joint stock company managers according to the principle of limited liability, relying on law and jurisprudence . Materials and Methods: This article is descriptive and analytical. The materials and data are also qualitative, and questionnaires were used to collect the materials and data . Ethical Considerations: In this article, the originality of the texts, honesty, and trustworthiness have been observed . Findings: The findings showed that the Iranian legal system has recognized a personality independent of the personality of the managers for commercial companies, including joint stock companies.. According to the mentioned rule, a company (legal entity) can have rights and obligations and implement them, but this does not mean that the directors of joint-stock companies are not liable. The conclusion is that if directors of jointstock companies cause losses to third parties under certain circumstances, they are liable in this regard, despite the principle of limited liability. the most important rules that are exceptions to the liability of directors in light of the principle of limited liability. Accordingly, if the directors of a joint-stock company have abused their exclusive position and the abuse of the company has caused losses to third parties, they are liable, and this is in accordance with the principle of harmlessness in jurisprudence.

Following the Iran Islamic Revolution in 1979 and the subsequent formation of a theocratic regime, the new regime implemented stringent regulations and a complicated censorship system in the film industry. Thereupon, the screening of films showing the relationships between males and females encountered numerous limitations. Not only did these limits encompass the physical portrayal of the relationship between males and females, but also the dialogues containing explicit sexual or even passionate romantic themes, resulting in a film being permanently consigned to archival storage. However, despite these limitations, Iranian filmmakers persevered in creating their interesting cinematic works. Throughout the years after the revolution, Iranian directors have navigated a series of challenges and obstacles, employing innovative and unconventional methods to bypass the rigorous censorship system imposed by the government, ensuring the screening of their films. This study aims to analyze the creative approaches employed by Iranian filmmakers to circumvent governmental censorship regulations.

کشف رمز طول عمر در سلول‌ بدن انسان

پژوهشگران می‌‌گویند کوچک نگه داشتن هسته سلول، می‌تواند پیری را به تاخیر بیندازد

پژوهشگران می‌گویند راز جوانی سلولی، ممکن است در کوچک نگه داشتن «نوکلئولوس» نهفته باشد. نوکلئولوس ساختاری متراکم در داخل هسته سلول و مسئول تولید ریبوزوم‌ها و تنظیم فعالیت‌های ژنتیکی است.
مطالعات موسسه پزشکی ویل کورنل نشان می‌دهد که نوکلئولوس‌های کوچک، می توانند سرعت پیری را کاهش دهد و به‌عنوان یک «زمان‌سنج مرگ» عمل کند؛ در حالی که نوکلئولوس‌های بزرگ‌تر، از طریق بی‌ثباتی در دی‌ان‌ای ریبوزومی (rDNA) باعث مرگ سلولی می‌شوند.

During his trip to Iran in 1978, thinker and philosopher Michel Foucault tried tounderstand the fundamental elements of the Islamic revolution in Iran, expressing his pointof view on power and its relationship with the social movements in the Eastern world. Fou-cault abandoned Western theoretical models so as to explain the disputes that caused therevolution. It was in this way that the people of Iran had already decided to take the path ofchange, a transition that conformed to the Islamic religion, instituting a culture linked to theShiite branch, which in turn unified the energy of the masses that reflected the general will- the Political Spirituality - against Shāh's rule.
[En su viaje a Irán en 1978, el pensador y filósofo Michel Foucault trata de comprender los elementos fundamentales de la revolución islámica en Irán, exponiendo su punto de vista sobre el poder y su relación con los movimientos sociales en el mundo oriental. Foucault, abandonó los modelos teóricos occidentales, para explicar los litigios que fueron causantes de la revolución. De esta forma, el pueblo de Irán ya había decidido tomar el camino del cambio, una transición que se ajustó a la religión islámica, instituyendo una cultura apegada en la rama chiita, que a su vez unificó la energía de las masas que reflejó la voluntad general-la Espiritualidad Política-en contra del gobierno del Shāh.]

فریدون: نسبت ایران و اسلام بحثی همیشه درازدامن در عرصه اندیشه‌ورزی ایرانی بوده است. از آثار نویسندگان منتقد عصر ناصری تا روشنفکر- سیاستمداران عهد مشروطه بحث درباره نسبت اسلام و ایران پررنگ است. ایران‌گرایی مستتر در آثار اغلب این نویسندگان و روشنفکران موجب شد در دوره رضاشاه پهلوی، سیاستی کاملا نوین و محدودیت‌آفرین در قبال نهاد روحانیت شکل بگیرد. اگرچه این تحدید و تهدید توامان در قبال روحانیت، در دوره پادشاهی محمدرضاشاه و تحت تاثیر آزادی‌گستری آن دوره، کاهش یافت ولی در عین‌حال واقعیت آن بود که دیگر از روشنگری علیه ارتجاع مذهبی خبر خاصی نبود و آن طیفی که از آنان انتظار می‌رفت رویکرد انتقادی به جمود و رکود مذهبی داشته باشند، به شیعه به عنوان مذهبی رهایی‌بخش می‌نگریستند و به برکشیده‌شدن خمینی یاری رساندند. تجربه چهار دهه‌ ستم‌گستری مذهبی جمهوری اسلامی اما کاملا داستان را عوض کرده است. ایران‌گرایی اکنون گفتمان بی‌رقیب است و انقلاب ملی تحت تاثیر این گفتمان پیش می‌رود. نسبت این گفتمان با اسلام اما چه باید باشد؟ این پرسش محوری را سعید قاسمی‌نژاد با امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی در میان گذاشت و بر اساس آن گفتگویی پراهمیت را رقم زد. امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی پژوهشگر ساکن آلمان در زمینه فلسفه و علوم سیاسی است. او علوم حوزوی را در مدرسه علمیه رضویه قم، کارشناسی فلسفه را در دانشگاه مفید و کارشناسی ارشد فلسفه غرب را در دانشگاه ملی (شهید بهشتی) فرا گرفت و دکترای علوم سیاسی را در دانشگاه فشتا به پایان رساند. رساله ارشد او پژوهشی بود درباره «مفهوم سنت و ارتباط آن با اصلاح و انقلاب در اندیشه سیاسی ادموند برک» و رساله دکترای او پیرامون «پیوند محافظه‌کاری سیاسی و اصلاحگری دینی در ایران مابین ۱۹۰۵ تا ۱۹۷۹» است.

The Pahlavi era's notion of modernity, despite achieving moderate success in some aspects, encountered significant challenges during its implementation. The formation of a collective driven by utopian fantasies of progress ultimately resulted in dramatic failures. In response to this failure, the state resorted to propagandistic measures to advertise the successful aspects of modernization project, and superficial reforms to maintain an image of modern Iran, promoting a narrative of progress. However, there was hidden side to this "progress," the narrative of decay, defeat, and catastrophe. Inspired by Walter Benjamin's theory of progress, this essay aims to examine the dual nature of the Pahlavi modernization project through two documentaries focused on the modernization of Tehran: Ahmad Faqroughi's Tehran, Today (1962) and Kamran Shirdel's Tehran is the Capital of Tehran (1965). The analysis suggests that Faqroughi presents the state-sponsored narrative of progress, while Shirdel explores the narrative of defeat and catastrophe that coexists with, and arises from this "progress." By shedding light on the reality of the Pahlavi era's modernization project, this study provides insights into why, towards the end of the 1970s, cities like Tehran witnessed a growing number of individuals who resisted what was supposedly a "progressing" and "modern" Iran.

The Quran can be analyzed and understood through diverse perspectives, each shaped by distinct intellectual concerns and objectives. This diversity has led to the development of various trends in Quranic exegesis, including the civilizational approach. However, a significant challenge in this field is the lack of precise definitions, theoretical foundations, and systematic methodologies for such approaches. Many exegetes unconsciously embed their personal concerns into their interpretations without explicitly identifying their exegetical framework or adhering to established principles, often resulting in innovative yet unsystematic readings of Quranic verses. This study aims to formalize the civilizational approach by first defining "civilization" and then introducing its principles and methodological foundations. Civilization, as conceptualized here, is a structured, macro-level process that facilitates human development and the flourishing of potentialities through the growth of social relations. In parallel, the civilizational approach to Quranic exegesis offers a comprehensive, systemic, process-oriented, and human-centered framework for engaging with the Quran. By emphasizing key principles—such as the intrinsic relationship between the Quran and civilization and the Quran’s dual dimensions as both a textual guide and an active force—this approach seeks to transform the Quran from a theoretical reference into a dynamic agent that informs practical life and daily interactions.

The current research aims to reach the dimensions of the components of the black box of policymaking or the implementation of the general policy in the revolutionary institution of the Islamic Revolution Housing Foundation as the first revolutionary institution that the founder of the Islamic Revolution ordered to establish. There has been. In philosophy and philosophical paradigm, this research was conducted in the field of interpretive research, and based on the interpretation of qualitative data, thematic analysis methodology and Atlas 23 software were used to analyse the qualitative data. To obtain analysis units, after semi-structured in-depth interviews with experts related to the field of research who were strategic and operational managers of the Islamic Revolution Housing Foundation, the theoretical saturation of the textual data was continued and (93) meaning units were identified. Based on the findings of the research, (48) basic themes, and (12) organising themes include mobilising the community's faith, continuous scholarship, trusting people, popularising housing construction, employing developers, contingent organization of the institution, testing the key to entering the foundation, division of labour. In contrast to the division of dignity, the program of the national movement, excellence in the processes, the lofty ideals of the revolutionary institution, the values created for the Islamic revolution, and (5) the comprehensive theme including jurisprudence and problem-oriented jurists, the people of the problem-centred, institutional organisation, problem-solving as a result of the institutional approach, Institutional ideals, and values were extracted. In the end, the network of drawing themes and basic, organizing, and inclusive themes in the field of the policy black box was presented.

Traversing a century of revolution, counterrevolution, and regime change in Iran, Arya Zahedi traces out the social, political, and ideological tensions that continuously push the country toward the brink of insurrection. It has been forty-five years since the mass revolution that overthrew the dictatorship of Muhammad Reza Shah and led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic. And it has been over a year now since the

This presentation covers a comprehensive image of late Iran's history with emphasis on the last century, the Constitutional Revolution of 1905, the rise of the modernist Pahlavi dynasty, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the rise of the regressive Islamic Republic, and analysis of a variety and difference of uprisings against the theocracy from beginning till the recent years.

Background and Aim: The prison system in Iran is considered to be a part of sanctions that restrict or restrict freedom. Judiciary authorities use it repeatedly and irregularly due to the numerous prison-oriented laws, until now, all kinds of methods of reducing imprisonment have not been able to remove this punishment of deprivation of liberty from the circle of judges. The prison system aims to help reduce the return of prisoners and create security in society through the correct implementation of prison sentences in such a way that dangerous criminals and those who must be removed from it to protect society are reformed and those for whom prison is not their place and is due to coercion. The law is designed to prevent serious harm from being together with other criminals or staying away from family and society. Research Methodology: This qualitative research has been done in a descriptive-analytical method, relying on international instruments and studying national laws and regulations in the form of documents and libraries. Findings and Conclusion: Therefore, in this system, special regulations regarding prisoner services, legal friendships, prisoner employment, clarifying the duration of the prisoner's presence and programs during imprisonment, and the ways to get out of it have been discussed.

“Deliberation” in Mehdi Bazargan’s thought, in changeable issues, is based on contemporary reason. But on the one hand, both deliberation and contemporary human reason cannot ignore the general approaches of »religion«, and on the other hand, distinguishing the religious general approaches without using »reason« cannot become possible. While »reason« is the reference for picking methods, it is the basis for understanding religion. Accordingly, reason and religion are not separate from each other. In fact, »deliberation« in Bzargan’s thought is a clear example of the accompaniment of reason and religion. To demonstrate this proposition, the bases for »deliberation« in Bazargan’s thought will be considered in three parts: the principle of deliberation in government; the principle of revelatory prophecy; secularization of government or separation of religion and government, not separation of religion and politics; and the differentiation between values and methods. Based on these three principles, we can speak of the originality of both »religion« and »reason« in Bazargan’s thought.
Bazargan's experience after the 1957 Revolution, which faced him with the real problem of governing, became a means of gradual changes in his thoughts than his combative approach in the 1340s and 1350s. These gradual changes limit Islam's position from the pervasive ideology with a lot of commands for all social and political programs to merely directing ideology in a set of principles and generalities. Therefore, the scope of deliberation, which was limited to executive affairs in his thoughts before the revolution, extends to the legislative domain, which this article attempts to discuss in detail.