19th-20th Century Europe

'The Machine Stops' is a science fiction short story of the early 19s, and the first future dystopia of the modern era that describes Forster's dark prophetic vision of the future of humanity because of overreliance on technology. In the story, Man is no longer living on the surface of the Earth; each individual is living in a hexagonal cell underground, surrounded by buttons that fulfill all his needs and desires. E. M. Forster creates a technological dystopia in which humanity loses self-reliance, interpersonal relations, its bond with nature, as well as individuality to alert future generations that, regardless how advanced our civilization may become, we should never forget the qualities that define us as humans. The paper shows how Forster's 'The Machine Stops' functions as a cautionary tale, because it signals the consequences of excessive dependence on technology.

In 1934, Dr. Ludwig Fabel fled Nazi Germany with his family to work as an economic consultant in Hunan Province, China. He explored remote areas for development opportunities during Japan's wartime aggression. As conditions deteriorated, he moved to Beijing and taught at Fu Jen University until World War II ended. After a period as a professor in New York, he joined the German Consular Corps, serving in Bonn, Montreal, and as head of the German Consulate in Houston. He later became a professor at the University of Houston, and after retiring, he spent 25 years in Portugal with his wife, Emily Jacques Fabel.

The article explores the cinematic landscape in the films of Arnold Fanck, undisputed pioneer of the mountain film genre. Following Siegfried Kracauer’s influential critiques, Fanck’s films have often been interpreted as proto-Nazi glorifications of the body and nature, neo-romantic depictions of the sublime, and reflections of post-World War I Germany’s desire for spiritual recovery. This article revisits Pierre Leprohon’s modernist interpretation, offered before Kracauer, which aligns the aesthetic of the mountain landscape in Fanck’s films with the principles of Purism. Leprohon argues that Fanck distanced himself from picturesque romanticism, emphasizing a geometric photogeny defined by light, movement, and stark, linear landscapes. The continuous focus on the intimate relationship between the climber and the rock face, highlighted by numerous close-ups, shifts the emphasis from the mountain as a mere picturesque spectacle—typical of the transient tourist gaze—to a tactile, embodied experience, unique to the climber who creates and inhabits the landscape. This immersive perspective echoes a famous Victorian debate between John Ruskin and Leslie Stephen about how and from where one should admire a mountain landscape. While Fanck’s visual language is tied to a German identity that places the Alps at the centre of national healing, his iconographic sources in both his Bergfilme and Skifilme reveal the influence of British alpinism and the adventurous, sportive portrayal of mountaineers in British Alpine literature, which was well-known in the German context of Fanck’s time.

The historiography of fascism, which provided, 30 years ago, a structure for the political history of the early twentieth century, seems to have spread into just as many fruitful, albeit smaller fields. The study of fascism as a 'political religion[1]' and the transnational history of these movements[2] have provided many new research and insights, but it seems that the notion of 'fascism', which is now competing with 'populism' in common usage, has lost some of its vigour, especially in France. It has helped to dilute its definition. As a concept, 'totalitarianism' had already been weakened by the fact that the scientific notion seemed too often to be used as a political tool in which a historical fact (totalitarian regimes), a concept (the totalitarian state as a new form of power) and a theory (a model of domination) were frequently confused[3]. The Cold War comparison between Nazi Germany and the Stalinist USSR could hardly survive the geopolitical changes at the end of the century[4]. Fascism, on the other hand, refers to a very tangible reality identified by the protagonists of the interwar period. It is still studied and used, from many different perspectives, as a means of comparing fascist movements and regimes, in Europe or elsewhere[5]. The aim of this conference is to contribute to the recent revival of studies on fascism[6] and to reopen the question of the 'seizure of power' in light of a central, yet insufficiently studied, issue: the vote. Proposals should include a 500-word abstract in French or English and a Curriculum Vitae. Particular attention will be paid to proposals coming from young researchers.

This study intends to convey to an English-speaking academic audience
three unpublished letters of America’s first male saint, John Nepomucene
Neumann (1811-1860), which reflects his journey to the USA, or more precisely
the period from February to June 1836, in the context of the event from the
crossing of the borders of his native Bohemia to his arrival in New York,
where he was ordained a priest and sent by his new bishop, John Dubois, to his
first post as a missionary. Besides Neumann’s Spiritual Diaries (1835-1839)
and his autobiography (1852), which have long since been published, these
letters are precious for getting to know the personality and context of the early
life of the future saint. All of these letters were originally written in German.
They are preserved in archives in Italy, the Czech Republic and the USA.

La degradation ou la destruction volontaire de biens symboliques est un phenomene omnipresent dans l'histoire humaine. Souvent, les œuvres ont ete endommagees parce qu’elles incarnaient des divinites, des representants du pouvoir, un imaginaire spirituel ou social. Avec l’avenement des musees et la transformation du statut des œuvres qu’ils conservent, ce phenomene adopte de nouvelles formes.Les atteintes portees intentionnellement a l’integrite d’œuvres d’art, lorsqu’elles se produisent dans des musees, sont porteuses d’enjeux specifiques, que cette these a pour objet d’analyser. Aujourd’hui, elles sont generalement designees par le terme de vandalisme, qui vehicule des representations qu’il s’agit d’interroger. Cette recherche, prenant appui sur l’analyse d’un corpus de cas de vandalisme perpetres entre 1970 et 2014 sur des œuvres exposees dans des musees d’art, en Europe et en Amerique du Nord, s’attache, dans une perspective sociologique, a examiner les ressorts de ces actes, mais aussi les diverses reactions qu’ils suscitent. Celles-ci peuvent etre saisies dans leur variabilite ; la confrontation de discours et de points de vue recueillis au cours d’entretiens avec divers acteurs concernes par le phenomene contribue a porter au jour des dispositions contrastees a l’egard des œuvres d’art. L’analyse de la reception sociale de ces actions constitue une voie d’acces privilegiee pour apprehender certains mecanismes de disqualification, y compris au sein du champ artistique. Certains de ces gestes sont en effet realises dans une optique de creation ou de dialogue artistique : ils font ici l’objet d’une attention particuliere en raison de ce qu’ils peuvent mettre en lumiere du fonctionnement du milieu de l’art.

Among numerous approaches to waging successful warfare, education and instrumentalization of youth have always played an immense (yet often overseen and understudied) role in crafting and manifesting non-democratic ideologies, like fascism, that eventually become cultural axioms. Although we often vehemently refuse to learn from history, revisiting some of its darkest pages demonstrates how instrumentalizing and weaponizing youth—the research focus of this piece—has always been a successful strategy of fascist governments, be it in Mussolini’s Italy, Hitler’s Germany, or now, Putin’s Russia. This troika of murderous masterminds not only perfected the art of ideological and informational warfare, but it also crafted and created its own child soldiers, ready to kill for their Motherland and their charismatic and inspirational leaders. That is why revisiting the phenomenon of fascist youth organizations cross-culturally and cross-generationally can better inform our understanding of the European theatre of war and encourage our attempts towards preserving democracy and peace.

The paper aims to situate the 19th-century Spanish political funerals in a broader European context, shaped by funeral transition and the reconstruction of the political space after the revolutions of the late 18th-century. It highlights five major evolutions: the democratization of public death, the uses of human remains, the nationalization of funeral practices, the imposition of martyrdom as a category of politics, the circulation of models and references.

Pokusíme-li se osvětlit okolnosti vzniku Archivu Pražského hradu v roce 1920 a jeho hlavní směřování do roku 1925, musíme učinit nejprve zmínku o Hradě samotném a samozřejmě o situaci, která zde nastala po 28. říjnu roku 1918. Císařský dvůr zde naposledy pobýval šest týdnů před sarajevským atentátem, za nepřítomnosti suveréna potom byl hradní okres spravován zámeckým hejtmanstvím. 1 Dalo se očekávat, že toto ústřední místo dříve Českého království, nyní ideové centrum Republiky československé, se stane bodem pozornosti jak politiků, tak kulturních i vědeckých kruhů. Pražský hrad se stal po vzniku nové republiky hlavním sídlem nejvyššího státního představitele. Institucionální rámec péče o tak velký soubor budov, pozemků, stavebních, pěstebních a skladovacích parcel však nebyl vytvořen okamžitě. Dekretem Národního výboru ze dne 30. října 1918 byli dočasnou správou Hradu a péčí o jeho mobilie pověřeni sochař Jan Čapek a architekt Kamil Hilbert. Pražským hradem pak kompetenčně disponovalo od převratu prezídium ministerské rady. Jeho rozhodnutím se na Hradě usídlily nové státní úřady: prezídium ministerské rady, Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí, Ministerstvo národní obrany, Archiv Národního výboru a Kancelář mírové konference. Část přízemí Městského traktu byla osídlena Hradní stráží. 2 Již před koncem monarchie existovala skupina odborníků z řad uměleckých historiků, historiků či archivářů, která si byla vědoma změny společenského řádu a toho, že bude zapotřebí nejen zcela nově vybudovat státní strukturu budoucí země, ale také toho, že nová vlast nabídne lukrativní kariérní příležitosti. Ke skupině, upřené na hradní vrch, patřili historici umění Zdeněk Wirth, Václav Vilém Štech a Karel Boromejský Mádl. 3 V jejich středu byl plánován nový systém organizace

Са благословом Његове светости Патријарха српског, а у очекивању званичне одлуке, одобрено је прослављање спомена Светих који су учили и који су се учили на Богословском училишту у Београду. Циљ овог прилога је да укаже који су то свети били професори или студенти Православног богословског факултета у Београду, и то на основу изворне грађе из Архива Православног богословског факултета и уз помоћ релевантне литературе.

The article discusses the issue of research on seal matrices which, following secularisation, were transferred to museum collections. In particular, analysis is undertaken of the seal image and inscription. The guiding idea behind the considerations undertaken here is to draw attention to the multifaceted benefits derived from research on monasterial seal matrices and their underappreciated value as source material for not only church sigillography but also for study of the history of Silesian monasteries.

Esta comunicação tem por objetivo investigar a inserção de Trás-os-Montes (distritos de Vila Real e Bragança) na problemática dos baldios na sequência do período revolucionário e os movimentos sociais que se lhe encontram associados, focando a ação do Movimento de Agricultores e Rendeiros do Norte (MARN), criada em 1977, numa cronologia analítica que termina com a realização da I Conferência dos Baldios, em 1979, em Vila Real.
Os baldios são terras de propriedade comunitária, geridas pelos povos e que integram uma economia agro-pastoril. No entanto, durante o Estado Novo, esses terrenos foram apropriados pelo Estado no âmbito do Regime Florestal, visando florestação forçada dessa “reserva não aproveitada” para fins declaradamente produtivistas. Durante cerca de 40 anos, os povos viram-se sonegados do seu direito histórico ao usufruto dos baldios, apesar da resistência de camponeses e pastores.
A Revolução trouxe, por isso, a exigência da devolução das terras comunais para a ordem do dia. A importância conferida ao tema levou mesmo a que a existência dos baldios ficasse inscrita na Constituição aprovada em 1976. Formaram-se centenas de Comissões de Compartes e de Conselhos Diretivos dos Baldios, dedicados à defesa da propriedade comunitária junto dos poderes públicos, promovendo simultaneamente o seu desenvolvimento e apropriação efetiva pelos povos. Acompanhando o desenvolvimento do movimento associativo dos compartes, podemos verificar não só as alterações introduzidas às práticas de gestão e rentabilização dos terrenos baldios, mas também a sua importância para o progresso económico, social e cultural das comunidades serranas. Promovendo a solidariedade e o envolvimento comunitário, os baldios foram também cultores dos princípios e valores democráticos.

On the legal limits of the sacred spaces. 
Rules and materials for the construction of churches buildings in the Portuguese Diocesan Constitutions (sixteenth and seventieth centuries)


At the end of the fifteenth century, the Portuguese Church began to compile and approve a set of normative texts with the purpose of regulate the diocesan institutions of the territories entrusted to the government jurisdiction of its prelates, bishops and archbishops: the Diocesan Constitutions.
The Constitutions texts collected during the regular and extraordinary reunions held with all the clergy of each diocese sought to gather a legal corpus that included since the disposition for the sacraments celebration to the regulation of the Church’s ministers conduct. In addition, they also included some legal deliberations over the procedures for the acquisition, safeguarding and preservation of the material heritage constituted at the parishes, not only over the sacred implements and vases, vestments and liturgical books, but also over the churches buildings where they were kept.
Our proposal focuses on the analyses of the normative texts intended for the (re)construction of the churches buildings, namely over the construction materials and the protection areas defined around these same edifices.

The author corrects the erroneous title of a drawing by Constantin Guys preserved in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, proposing the title Croatian Portative Narguilé. The drawing shows Croats in Balaklava during the Crimean War (1853-1856). The author dates the drawing to 1885 and associates it to the drawing in the Smith College Museum of Art entitled Croats' Camp at Balaclava, in which he identified Guys's self-portrait. The paper includes an illustration of the Croats' Camp at Balaclava after Guys published in The Illustrated London News in 1885. On the basis of historical facts, the author determines the precise date of execution of the New York drawing, between February and July 1855.

The author publishes nine unknown drawings by Jean-Paul Clark preserved in a private collection in Croatia and an overview of Clarke's signatures and monograms. By contacting the artist's son he obtained basic information on Clarke's life which enabled him to draw a biography of this almost completely forgotten artist. The author emphasized the high level of Clarke's drawing skills, especially evident on drawings produced during his captivity in Prussia during the Second World War.

The author publishes nine unknown drawings by Jean-Paul Clark preserved in a private collection in Croatia and an overview of Clarke's signatures and monograms. By contacting the artist's son he obtained basic information on Clarke's life which enabled him to draw a biography of this almost completely forgotten artist. The author emphasized the high level of Clarke's drawing skills, especially evident on drawings produced during his captivity in Prussia during the Second World War.

The author corrects the erroneous title of a drawing by Constantin Guys preserved in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, proposing the title Croatian Portative Narguilé. The drawing shows Croats in Balaklava during the Crimean War (1853-1856). The author dates the drawing to 1885 and associates it to the drawing in the Smith College Museum of Art entitled Croats' Camp at Balaclava, in which he identified Guys's self-portrait. The paper includes an illustration of the Croats' Camp at Balaclava after Guys published in The Illustrated London News in 1885. On the basis of historical facts, the author determines the precise date of execution of the New York drawing, between February and July 1855.

The missionary John Nepomucene Neumann's relationship with the Leopoldine Society lasted practically his entire adult life. The inspiration of the activities of the Leopoldine Society stood at the birth of Neumann's missionary vocation during his theological studies in Budweis (Bohemia). Throughout his stay in the United States, from 1836 to 1860, we can trace Neumann's contacts with the Leopoldine Society, which were of different kinds according to the responsibilities he gradually accepted: first, he obtained support as an ordinary missionary for his livelihood, and later for the projects of the Redemptorists, which, with the confreres, he helped bring to life, and eventually as the Bishop of Philadelphia when he negotiated support for his entire diocese. The Leopoldine Society then, thanks to the regular publication of Neumann's life story and his views on the Catholic missionary reality in the United States in its printed reports Berichte der Leopoldinen-Stiftung im Kaiserthume Oesterreich, showcased Neumann as one of the successful examples of well-directed support and as a model for future missionaries, society's members, donors, and benefactors. Especially in his native country, his story attracted attention because he was the first missionary from Bohemia of the new era.

Rokoko estetikos ir šeimyninio gyvenimo harmoniją deklaravusių Apšvietos moralinių idėjų veikiamoje XVIII a. antrosios pusės Vakarų Europos dailėje ypač didelę reikšmę turėjo idealizuotos vadinamosios laimingos šeimos ir jos narių – kasdienybe besimėgaujančių tėvų ir jų vaikų – reprezentacijos. Bene ryškiausiai ši tendencija skleidėsi romantizuotą motinišką meilę įvaizdinusiuose motinų ir jų vaikų portretuose, paprastai įvardijamuose maternité terminu. Šeimyniniais ir emociniais ryšiais glaudžiai susijusius portretuojamuosius įamžinusios scenos – tai ne tik dekoratyvi laikotarpio iliustracija, bet ir gilus sociokultūrinio konteksto komentaras. XVIII a. Lietuvos dailės kontekste ypač retas maternité atspindintis pavyzdys yra saugomas Žemaičių muziejuje „Alka“. Tai 1798 m. nežinomo (tikėtina – vietos) dailininko nutapytas Sofijos Jelskytės-Terebešienės su dukrele Kotryna portretas, vaizduojantis du moters gyvenimo tarpsnius. / The broad and varied concept of human age in early secular art, particularly in portraiture, was typically interpreted rather directly through the lens of life stages. One of the most intriguing forms of portraiture that explores the theme of age is group portraits of parents and their children, which reflect family ties across generations. The principal subject of this article is a 1798 painting by an unknown, but likely local, artist housed in the Samogitian Museum “Alka” in Telšiai. The painting depicts Zofia z Jelskich Terebeszowa (1773–1826) and her daughter Katarzyna z Terebeszow Szuksztowa (1794 or 1795–1845). This artwork, which came from the former collections of the Medingėnai Manor, is a rare piece in the context of Lithuanian art history. It invites us to closely examine the specific iconographic history associated with the concept of maternité and to meticulously reconstruct the story of the mother and daughter – two women at different stages of life ¬– immortalized on the canvas.

Kapitola se zabývá analýzou vztahu masmédií a posledního německého císaře během nejvýznamnějšího mediálního skandálu, který Vilém II. za své vlády vyvolal. Analyzuje proto jeho státoprávní postavení, možnosti zasahovat do politiky, jeho osobnost a vztah k médiím i veřejnosti, stejně jako jeho poměr k Britům, jejich dynastii a vládě. Věnuje se též analýze zahraničněpolitické situace, která souvisela s námořním zbrojením a vztahům s Velkou Británií. Zaměřuje se rovněž na otázky, co vyvolalo v roce 1908 mediální skandál v Německém císařství, proč císařovy výroky o německo-britském poměru natolik iritovaly část německé veřejnosti a proč došlo k selhání mechanismů, které se podílely na komunikaci císaře a jeho okolí s tiskem. Závěry se opírají primárně o analýzu nevydaných pramenů z Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem, konkrétně Brandenburg-Preussisches Hausarchiv, Repositur 53, Kaiser Wilhelm II. und Familie. Dále z vydaných pramenů osobní povahy, především vzpomínek, deníků a korespondence císaře, jeho rodiny, říšského kancléře Bernharda knížete von Bülowa, dvorského hodnostáře Rudolfa von Valentiniho, dvořanky Hildegardy baronky Hugo von Spitzembergové, velkoadmirála Alfreda von Tirpitze, diplomata Friedricha von Holsteina, politika Roberta hraběte von Zedlitz-Trützschlera, pobočníka Sigurda von Ilsemanna ad. Dále byly využity právní prameny, dokumenty říšského sněmu a německý a britský dobový tisk. Analýza zahraničně politických událostí se opírá o edice "British Documents on the Origins of the War 1898-1914" a "Die Grosse Politik der Europäischen Kabinette 1871-1914". Z odborné literatury je nutno zmínit především německou a anglosaskou historiografii, především díla J. C. G. Röhla, W. J. Mommsena, H.-U. Wehlera, F. Bösche, A. Palmera a G. Fessera. V kapitole byly využity metodické přístupy politických dějin, dějin mezinárodních vztahů, sociálních dějin a mediálních studií, což umožnilo potřebný mezioborový záběr. Opírá se především o komparativní metodu a metodu sondy. Vedle popisu a analýzy historické reality předkládá též zobecnění vnitropolitické situace v Německu a komunikace mezi císařem a tiskem. Byl analyzován dosud nevyužitý pramenný materiál v archivech, vydané prameny institucionální a osobní provenience, dobový denní tisk a časopisy, což znamenalo velkou náročnost na kritiku pramenů, zhodnocení jejich dokumentární a historické hodnoty, věrohodnosti a využití jejich informační kapacity.

У раду се разматра пионирски подухват Николе (Нестора) Поповића (1833-1884) као уредника првог црквеног периодичног гласила у Србији. Поповић је по повратку из Русије, где је био на школовању, ступио у ред значајних верских и културних радника у Србији. Предавао је као професор гимназије и Богословије у Београду, а једно време био је и вероучитељ малолетног Милана Обреновића, будућег српског краља. Постао је ректор Богословије и коначно епископ Нишки. Разумевајући све већу потребу за покретањем једног црквеног часописа, основао је публикацију Пастир: лист за науку и књижевност духовног садржаја, чији је уредник био током његовог постојања између 1868. и 1870. године. Лист је имао читаоце не само у ондашњој Кнежевини Србији, већ и међу заинтересованим свештенством и верницима у Османском царству (по Старој Србији) а посебно на простору Аустроугарске монархије (Карловачка митрополија). Без обзира на разумљиве недостатке карактеристичне за сваки почетак, значај часописа под Поповићевим уредништвом огледа се у томе што је успео да постави основе и утемељи пут даљем континуираном црквеном периодичком издаваштву у Србији.

In a typical conversation about twentieth-century European history, the subject of war will almost certainly arise-whether it is the Great War, the Second World War, or the Cold War. Similarly, historians who write about contemporary European history often view war as the twentieth century's iconic event. In fact, many scholars rely on Europe's political history, rife as it is with military confl ict, to set the timeframe for their work. The infl uential historian Eric Hobsbawn, for example, defi ned the twentieth century as beginning with the First World War and ending with the collapse of the Soviet Union; Hobsbawn named this period-1914 to 1991-The Short Twentieth Century. Indeed, the topic of war and rupture has dominated the discourse on Europe in the twentieth century-and understandably so. We, the editors and authors of the Making Europe series, however, have taken an alternative approach to our subject. We offer a European history viewed through the lens of technology rather than war. We believe that a European history with technology at its core can help to understand the continuities that have endured despite the rupture of wars. Making Europe places continuities-from the rise of institutions like CERN to the evolution of hacker networks-in a longer-term perspective. The Making Europe narrative suggests x Making Europe: An Introduction to the Series

Jamais le royaume de Sardaigne 1 de Victor-Emmanuel II n'eut dû prendre part à la Guerre de Crimée (1854-1855) qui ne le concernait absolument pas. Mais après l'échec de la première guerre d'indépendance (1848-1849) contre l'Autriche 2 menée par le père de Victor-Emmanuel, le roi Charles-Albert, en vue de l'unité de l'Italie, le premier ministre sarde Camille de Cavour (1810-1861) attendait une occasion pour glisser « la question italienne » à l'oreille des grandes puissances et attirer ainsi à lui l'aide militaire d'un allié. Cette occasion lui fut donnée par la Guerre de Crimée.

Le 17 mars 1861, Victor-Emmanuel II devint le premier des quatre rois qui régnèrent sur l'Italie unifiée. Ce même jour, Cavour adressa une lettre à l'écrivain et homme d'État Massimo d'Azeglio (1798-1866), rédigée en français comme l'usage le voulait en ce temps, dans laquelle le premier ministre écrivit : « Dès ce jour, l'Italie affirme hautement en face du monde sa propre existence ». La journée du lendemain fut marquée par l'ouverture solennelle du premier Parlement national italien. Si Camille de Cavour fut témoin de l'accession de Victor-Emmanuel au trône d'Italie, en revanche, il ne connu pas la fin de son oeuvre, car il mourut le 6 juin 1861. Peu après la proclamation du royaume d'Italie par le Parlement, le marquis d'Azeglio, a qui Cavour avait succédé à la présidence du Conseil en 1852, lança ce mot demeuré célèbre : "Abiamo fatto l'Italia, ora dobbiamo fare gli italiani!" (« Nous avons créé l'Italie, maintenant nous devons créer les Italiens ! »).

Il mio sentimento d'amicizia per la Bulgaria è costante, sincero, disinteressato. Questo sentimento è condiviso della totalità del popolo italiano. Credo fermamente nell'avvenire politico, economico e morale della Bulgaria. Essa ha il suo compito nei Balcani.

Those who have claimed that Pope Pius XII was loath to speak out against Nazi Germany's crimes because she was saving Christianity from the communist peril have themselves remained tellingly silent about the non-aggression pact which, after years of mutual bashing, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin unabashedly formalized on August 23, 1939 2, a momentous act which dumbfounded the world, discountenanced Nazis and Communists alike, enabled Germany and Russia to invade Catholic Poland lickety-split, triggered World War II, set the stage for Nazi-Soviet collaboration for the vital, world-changing, first third of it, muted Germany's criticism of her erstwhile enemy, served as a springboard for their joint efforts to extinguish Christianity, considerably expanded the geographical dominion of Soviet influence, moved Communism into the heart of Europe, redrew the map of eastern and central Europe, etc. And, it has left many wordless nowadays, notably those now intent upon deriding Pius XII, ostensibly because anyone wanting to convince anyone that he could have possibly believed that Hitler could be counted on to save Christianity from Communism really needs to reckon with, not just ignore, this historical reality.

"Bento de Jesus Caraça and the 25th April Revolution: between politics and scientific cultura in uses of memory at Vila Viçosa". II Congress of Public History in Portugal. Uses of the Past on 50 years of Carnation Revolution, 7th June, organized by IN2PAST at Aljube Museum, Lisbon, by application with peer-review.

O tomu kako nas drugi doživljavaju u književnosti je podosta pisano. Među knjigama i dvije su putopisnog predznaka: Dalmatinsko putovanje Hermana Bahra 1 i Sentimentalno putovanje Ferenca (Francoisa) Fejtöa. 2 Prva je napisana 1909. godine, a druga 1935., a obje su izazvale primjeren odjek kako u našoj književnosti, tako i u (europskoj) javnosti kojoj su primarno upućene. I dok je knjigu "dalmatinskog Columbusa iz Beča" (Matoš) 3 naša javnost dočekala prikladnim riječima (Car, Esih, Andrijašević i dr.), Fejtöova pak knjiga, premda napisana 1935. godine, objavljena je tek 1989. u Parizu, u koji se autor sklonio poslije bijega 1938. godine. U navedenim putopisima mnoštvo je slika u kojima se progovara o našim ljudima i krajevima. U ovome radu osvrnut ćemo se na recepciju i doživljaj grada Splita u njima. Bahrovo putovanje započinje u Trstu, na brodu Barun Gautsch, a prostorno slijedi 'opaki Kvarner', Cres, Silbu, Olib, Pag, potom Zadar, za Bahra "simbol austrijske uprave u Dalmaciji", Nin i Boku, odakle se vraća u Dubrovnik, potom u Dalmaciju i Split, pri čemu je svako mjesto osnaženo nizom slika koji piščev doživljaj čine uzbudljivim i pamtljivim. Fejtöovo pak putovanje događa se 1934. i započinje u Zagrebu. Vremenski je determinirano slikama 'agresivne jugoslavenske politike' i marijanskog marijabistričkog prošteništa koje piscu nije samo znak 'pobožnosti hrvatskoga naroda', nego i zastava/simbol "svih zabrana, svih slobodarskih težnja i svakoga nezadovoljstva". Iz rodnog grada njegove majke i grada njegova djetinjstva, kazuje knjiga, Fejtö odlazi u Rijeku odakle brodom plovi u Dubrovnik. S hipotekom sadržanoj u uskliku, svijete, kako su privlačni tvoji Dubrovnici! 4 putuje u bokokotorski zaljev i Cetinje, a na povratku pohodi Korčulu, Split i Dalmaciju, gdje doživljene emocije svoje istinske rezonancije dobivaju u priznanju da nije glupost posjetiti more, već ga napustiti, čime putni doživljaji dobivaju svoj primjereni egzistencijalni okvir i motivaciju.

The Death of Arno J. Mayer on December 17, 2023 invites us to reflect on his life and works. Born in Luxembourg in 1926, Mayer would go on to theorize the transition from feudalism to capitalism and counterrevolution from his historical lens of twentieth-century diplomacy. Along the way, we see a man confronted with his Jewish roots, his role in America's empire, and the violence of the twentieth century.

Antologia di diari e autobiografie di studenti vaganti medievali a cura di Umberto 'Kociss' Volpini. Testi di Johannes Butzbach (1505), Burkhard Zingg (metà XV sec.), Thomas e Felix Platter (metà XVI sec.).
[Lo Scaffale di Abelardo, Padova: Edizioni A.C.C.A. 2020 – 176 p. : ill.]

Der Forschungsgegenstand über die Vertreibungsverluste ist ein relativ junges Forschungsfeld, das sich in den fünfziger Jahren entwickelte. Es verfügte aber bereits über eine Vorgeschichte. 1 Entwickelte sich nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg eine Diskussion um die Grenz-und Auslandsdeutschen, welche in den durch die Friedensverträge festgelegten Gebietsabtretungen des Deutschen Reiches und Österreichs lebten und zu einer Art Schicksalsgemeinschaft stilisiert wurden, so stellte das Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs und die Erfahrung mit der deutschen Besatzung eine radikale Kehrtwendung der Nachbarländer im Umgang mit den bis dahin geduldeten deutschen Minderheiten dar. Nicht die Vertreibung als solche steht in diesem Beitrag zur Debatte, sondern die quantitative Dimension der deutschen Kriegs-und Vertreibungsverluste. Sie stellten einen zentralen Bestandteil der Abwehr potentieller Reparationsansprüche Polens und anderer ost-und mitteleuropäischer Staaten bis in die 80er Jahre dar. Zur Erzielung einer ›Opfersymmetrie‹ sollte die Zahl der ›eigenen‹, deutschen Opfer den ›fremden‹ Gewaltopfern des Zweiten Weltkriegs entgegengestellt werden. Qualitativ konstruierten entsprechende Studien parallel dazu den ›Heimatvertriebenen‹ als ein Opferkollektiv. Dieses Konstrukt beinhaltete auch Personengruppen, die nicht aus den Vertreibungsgebieten stammten, so zum Beispiel die Zivilopfer des Krieges oder die aus der sowjetischen Besatzungszone stammenden Flüchtlinge. Die ›Auslandsdeutschen‹, die bereits durch Hitlers Vertragsumsiedlungen in Bewegung gesetzt worden waren, um beispielsweise die von Polen und Juden ›ethnisch gesäuberten‹ ›Ostgebiete‹ zu okkupieren, wurden unter die Kategorie ›vertrieben‹ subsumiert. 2 Diese über die Begriffsdefinition, wer Heimatvertrieben war, ausgreifende Uminterpretation der Vertreibung reiht sich als narrativer Bestandteil einer Geschichtsinterpretation ein, die den Zweck verfolgte, durch einen neuen Revisionismus die Rücknahme des Potsdamer Abkommens einzufordern. Außerdem benötigte die junge Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Rahmen des anstehenden Lastenausgleichsgesetzes (LAG) und des damit verbundenen Bundesvertriebenengesetzes (BVG) Zahlen über die deutschen Flüchtlinge aus Ostmittel-und Südosteuropa, um den Regelungsbedarf festzustellen. 3 Die Feststellung des Regelungsbedarfs spielte aber eine geringere Rolle bei der Konstruktion der Opferzahlen. Im Vordergrund stand die außenpolitische Instrumentalisierung der Opferzahlen, sei es nun darum, um die bundesdeutsche Gesellschaft auf den Lastenausgleich vorzubereiten, sei es um den Alliierten die Di-1 Vgl. die Literaturberichte von Messerschmidt 1992 und Beer 2007, 158ff. Darin legte letzterer inzwischen eigentümlich positiv die Idee der ›Pazifierung‹ von Grenz-und Minderheitenkonflikten durch Vertreibungen dar, wie die Ausführungen zu Joseph B. Schechtman zeigen.

This article assesses why the French and US banks Paribas and Speyers underwrote a series of loans to revolutionary Mexico in 1912 and 1913, when the state was in the process of collapsing. This is a case of a war debt that failed to prevent the borrowing government from suspending payments and subsequently falling. Based on unpublished primary documents, the article shows that the 1913 loan involved a conflict of interest. The credit delayed a default and sustained the price of Mexican securities while Paribas, its main underwriter, was liquidating its Mexican portfolio. Evidence also suggests the existence of asymmetry of information. Paribas accessed pessimistic but accurate first-hand information on Mexico, while the public read over-optimistic press reports. Paribas forced the government to sell the bonds on the primary market at a price that was low, controlling for publicly available data. It subsequently sold the bonds at a margin on the secondary market. An additional reason for the lending is the Nacional railway, a state-owned company that used a share of the funds to pay its debt. More exposed to Mexico than Paribas, the small and internationalized Speyers held the bad bonds it had underwritten.

У српској култури и духовности између два рата деловало је неколико изузетних интелектуалаца. Међу њима је било клирика, који су се бавили књижевношћу, и лаика, који су били одани православној духовности. Између многих стваран је однос сарадње и поверења. Сачувани су и важни текстови о томе. Данас нам се, из тог времена, посебно важним чине сведочанства Григорија Божовића о Владики Николају Велимировићу.

Der Aufsatz behandelt das Verhältnis des k. u. k. Aussenministers Gyula Andrássy d.Älteren zu den österreichischen und ungarischen innenpolitischen Problemen nach seinem Amtsantritt in den Jahren 1872–1873. Im Herbst 1871 wurde der ungarische Aristokrat zum Minister des kaiserlichen Hauses und des Äussern ernannt und nur mit dem Vorsitz im gemeinsamen Ministerrates betraut. Die Reichskanzlerwürde, die sein
Amtsvorgänger Graf Beust innehatte und formalrechtlich auch seine innenpolitischen Aktivitäten rechtfertigte, wurde ihm vor allem wegen der ungarischen staatsrechtlichen Auslegung des Dualismus nicht mehr erteilt, um auch die Proteste der ungarischen Opposition zu vermeiden. Trotz des Verschwindens des Reichskanzlertitels ist die Position des Grafen Andrássy auch in den innenpolitischen Fragen als erster Berater
des Monarchen, sowie seine informelle Inmediatstellung zwischen den beiden (österreichischen und ungarischen) Regierungen und dem Monarchen intakt geblieben. Er war auch an der Bildung und der Bestimmung des Programms der neuen cisleithanischen liberalen Regierung maßgeblich beteiligt. Die Grundsätze des Regierens, die gegen den weiteren Ausbau der liberalen Verfassungserrugenschaften gerichtet waren, wurden aber nicht von ihm, wie es in der Fachliteratur oft vorkommt, verfasst, sondern von dem Monarchen selbst festgelegt. Seine Rolle bestand vor allem darin, die deutsch-österreichischen Liberalen zur Akzeptierung der Vorstellungen des Monarchen zu bewegen. Auch in der Frage der Autonomie von Galizien spielte er eine Vermittlerrolle zwischen der cisleithanischen Regierung und dem Monarchen, der letztendlich der Antreiber der raschen Verwirklichung der autonomen Sonderstellung
von Galizien war. Die ungarischen Angelegenheiten, die ihm für seine Reichs- und Aussenpolitik als relevant erschienen, betrachtete Andrássy, der frühere ungarische Ministerpräsident als eigene Domäne. So beeinflußte er die Entscheidungen und Stellungnahmen der ungarischen Regierungen oft in direkter Form (durch persönliche Teilnahme am ungarischen Ministerrat) oder in indirekter Weise (durch informelle
Vorbesprechungen mit den ungarischen Politikern vor den Sitzungen des gemeinsamen Ministerrates), obwohl die Einflußnahme eines gemeinsamen Ministers auf die Innenpolitik vor allem durch die ungarischen Ausgleichsgesetze verboten war. In der Anfangsphase seiner Amtszeit unternahm er doch auch Schritte, um seine zentrale Funktion unter den gemeinsamen Ministern akzetuiert zum Ausdruck zu bringen und seine innenpolitische Wirkungsfähigkeit rechtlich abzusichern. Ein Indiz ist dafür die erste Sitzung der drei gemeinsamen Minister, in deren Protokoll Andrássy als „Reichsministerpräsident“ bezeichnet wurde. Das Protokoll wurde dem Monarchen mit diesem rechtlich nicht existenten Amtstitel wahrscheinlich in der Absicht vorgelegt, um sein Verhalten in dieser Frage zu sondieren. Diese Annahme wurde durch das baldige
Vorgehen von Andrássy bekräftigt, als er durch die Vermittlung des 1.
Obersthofmeisters, des Fürsten Konstantin zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst direkt beim Monarchen zu erreichen versuchte, seine Amtsstellung so zu gestalten, wie es zur Zeit von Beust und Metternich war. Die ablehnende Haltung Franz Josephs weist eindeutig darauf hin, dass er mit der Wiederherstellung der Reichskanzlerschaft in keiner Form einverstanden war, um die weitere Einschränkung seiner Macht in den Fragen der
Innenpolitik nicht herbeizuführen.

A história local do concelho de Coruche está associada a diversas instituições e, acima de tudo, a diversas individualidades de diferentes níveis sociais, sendo pertinente um estudo biográfico de algumas. Joaquim Ribeiro Telles foi um lavrador que nasceu no concelho de Coruche em 1852 e que, pela sua fidelidade ao exilado rei D. Manuel II, se envolveu na política local, chegando mesmo a ocupar o cargo de Administrador do Concelho no final da segunda década do século XX e outros cargos políticos. Debruçarmo-nos sobre a sua vida permite-nos compreender não só a sua intervenção na sociedade e na política local – numa época relativamente atribulada, em que os monárquicos ainda sonhavam com o tão desejado regresso da monarquia –, como também nos permite perceber o papel do Conselho Superior Político da Causa Monárquica, ao serviço de que quem o dito lavrador estava, no concelho de Coruche.

The previous chapter described how money creation works in our current system. We saw that the lion's share of money today consists of bank depositsnumbers on the balance sheets of commercial bankswhile a much smaller proportion consists of cash (banknotes and coins). The dominance of deposit money means commercial banks play a leading role in money creation. This chapter puts this situation in a historical context. The functioning of our financial monetary system and the role of banks have changed fundamentally over time. The chapter reveals that what we take for granted today was often far from self-evident yesterday. Today we consider banknotes to be as secure as coins. But well into the nineteenth century, the Dutch were wary of banknotes issued by the central bank. The historical perspective also illustrates the path-dependency of the financial monetary system. There was never an opportunity to redesign the system from scratch: reforms and innovations required public and private actors to work within historically given constraints and often came with unintended and unforeseen consequences. We also see the recurrencealbeit in different guisesof fundamental issues and debates about the financial monetary system. The current debate on private money creation, for example, echoes nineteenth-century discussions in the United Kingdom and the United States on whether banks should be allowed to issue their own banknotes. A historical perspective challenges what we now take for granted and allows us to draw lessons from the past. This may help us to better understand contemporary challenges. We focus on the period from the early nineteenth century. This was when governments advanced explicit strategies to govern their national financial monetary systems and banks began to play greater roles in facilitating economic development. We discuss four periods in turn: (1) the 'long nineteenth century' up to the First World War, with an emphasis on the 1870-1914 period, (2) the interwar period (1918-1939), (3) the Bretton Woods period (1944-1973) and (4) the decades leading up to the latest crisis (1973-2008). Although our focus is on the Netherlands, we mention developments in other countries as well as global trends that have left their mark on this country. For each

Foreword by Yannis Stournaras Ever since its establishment, the Bank of Greece (BoG) has shown keen interest in Greece's economic and monetary history, although its historical publications so far include mainly anniversary editions focusing on the Bank's history. The invitation to establish, together with the Bulgarian National Bank, a network of scholars-researchers in the monetary history and policy of SouthEast Europe in April 2006 and the BoG's active support and participation were seen as an opportunity to deepen its understanding of Greece's historical experience and identify its key determinants, with a view to reaching safe conclusions that would serve as an input to policy making. The strengthening of traditional economic links with the countries of SouthEast Europe through the expansion of the Greek banking system, Greek corporations, trade and tourism in the last few decades underlines the need to not only monitor economic developments in the region, but also understand historical facts and experiences. Besides, the long coexistence of the countries in the region has forged cultural bonds that remain strong to our day. Learning from Greece's experience and comparing it with the experiences of SouthEast European countries allow the creation of a valuable historical database, continuously enriched with new data. This will provide economic agents and policy makers with useful information on policy responses and outcomes. Quantitative data are an essential tool in this respect. In this direction, the Bank of Greece considers this book as a first effort to create a reliable and comprehensive statistical database of long-term time series on crucial macroeconomic aggregates. Compiling, processing and checking data and constructing indices for such long and distant time periods is an arduous and long procedure. It also requires in-depth knowledge of the institutional framework of the domestic and international economic system and policy conduct. This database is continuously enriched. This project is expected to deliver considerable benefits. The BoG hopes that this statistical database will serve as a first infrastructure for the international academic community to systematically develop research in the economic, monetary and banking history of SouthEast Europe, tapping into existing knowledge and offering new inputs that will provide timely information to economic policy makers.