A Curious Case of Triangulation: Polybius, Alexander, and Rome

By investigating the works of Polybius and Livy, we can discuss an important aspect of the impact of Alexander upon the reputation and image of Rome. Because of the subject of their histories and the political atmosphere in which they were writing - these authors, despite their generally positive opinions of Alexander, ultimately created scenarios where they portrayed the Romans as superior to the Macedonian king. This study has five primary goals: to produce a commentary on the various Alexander passages found in Polybius’ and Livy’s histories; to establish the generally positive opinion of Alexander held by these two writers; to illustrate that a noticeable theme of their works is the ongoing comparison between Alexander and Rome; to demonstrate Polybius’ and Livy’s belief in Roman superiority, even over Alexander; and finally to create an understanding of how this motif influences their greater narratives and alters our appreciation of their works.

Classical Philology, 2000

Introduction (1) Chapter I (7) Polybius the Statesman and Author (7) Defender of the Greatness of Philip II, Alexander, and the Macedonians of Their Period (10) A Challenge to the Idea of the Unequalled Scope of Alexander’s Conquests (17) A Possible Comparison between Scipio Africanus and Alexander (21)

2015

This thesis offers a new evaluation of Philip V of Macedon (221-179 BC) through a reassessment of his portrait in our primary literary source, Polybios of Megalopolis. Chapter 1 introduces the topic and explores how Polybios' presentation of his content, including Philip, is greatly dependent on his intention to produce a pragmatic, didactic, universal history, facilitated by the unifying concepts of symploke and tyche. Chapter 2 investigates Polybios' Achaian background, patriotism and admiration of the Achaian leader Aratos, and how this political bias shapes Philip's depiction. Chapter 3 questions the validity of the historian's claim that the king suddenly turned from a brilliant king to a treacherous tyrant in 215 BC, and reveals how Polybios overemphasises this change to explain the king's downfall, encourage correct political and moral behaviour, and defend Aratos and the League's association with the king. Chapter 4 assesses Polybios' conviction that Philip's treatment of his Greek allies turned deceitful after his change for the worse in 215, and reveals how his statements are exaggerated and once again in pursuit of vilifying the king, justifying the League's defection to Rome in 198 BC and ultimately explaining Macedonia's demise. Lastly, Chapter 5 discusses Polybius' tragic account of Philip's last years and its modern reception, arguing that while the account may not be historically accurate, it still represents a completely satisfactory, consistent and justifiable end to Polybius' account of the Macedonian king. This thesis concludes that Polybios' picture of the king is intensely loaded and complex, dependent on a number of wider literary factors and personal biases. Yet, it also proves that it is possible to unravel Philip from some of the historian's weavings and uncover a more balanced portrayal of the monarch than the generally negative one presented in the Histories. Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 The Life and Times of Philip V of Macedon Philip V (238-179 BC), son of Demetrios II and successor to his uncle Antigonos Doson, ruled Macedonia from 221 to 179 BC. 1 He was the penultimate king of the Antigonid Empire and the first Hellenistic monarch to come into direct conflict with Rome in her gradual penetration into the eastern Mediterranean. That clash had world-changing implications. Philip is primarily remembered for his ill-fated confrontation with the Italian power and for causing (if indirectly) his kingdom's defeat and destruction by Roman hands in his son, Perseus's reign. He was the defeated power in the fight for supremacy in the Mediterranean and this fact has often left him an understudied and underrated individual, especially by those more interested in Rome's success and development into a world power. 2 Yet, despite the consequences of his reign, Philip can be credited as one of the most successful of his predecessors after Alexander the Great. 3 He ruled for 42 years, the longest ruling period of a Macedonian since Philip II, 4 and, before Roman intervention, was also effective in reestablishing control over Greece and expanding Macedonia beyond her tradition borders into Illyria, Thrace and the Aegean. While the greater length and success of his reign may, of course, be partly due to stabilising conditions in the Hellenistic world, as well as the dwindling number of suitable usurpers ( Antiochos the Great (III) similarly ruled for a commendable 33 years (222-187 BC)), 5 both are remarkable feats considering the violent and volatile conditions of Hellenistic kingship. It would therefore be hard to believe that Philip could have been so long-lasting without possessing qualities that rendered him effective. At this time, Macedonia, ruled by the Antigonid dynasty, was one of the three main Hellenistic kingdoms in the Eastern Mediterranean that had formed in the years after 1 Walbank's monograph on Philip V (1940; revised 1960), although now outdated, still remains the only truly comprehensive and most influential historical study of the king and his involvement in Mediterranean affairs.

Transactions of the American Philological …, 2007

Greek politicians in the second century b.c.e. increasingly turned to Roman authorities in order to defeat their political opposition. Charges of demagoguery and socio-economic revolution became commonplace in these political struggles in the presence of Roman authority. This evidence provides a key to understanding a famous inscription dating to 144/143 b.c.e. (Syll. 3 684), which records a letter from the Roman praetorian proconsul to Macedonia, relaying his ruling on recent civil unrest in Achaean Dyme. More importantly, Greek appeals to Roman power, such as we find in Syll. 3 684, support a model of second-century Roman imperial expansion in Greece focusing on the imperial periphery rather than the imperial metropole.

The Rhetoric of Fear in Greek and Roman Literature and Beyond, forthcoming, Routledge

Representations of fear in Polybius' Histories constitute a special case in ancient Greek and Roman historiography. For many ancient historians depicting fear was an opportunity to showcase skills in literary style and rhetorical virtuosity. By contrast, Polybius was a selfavowed 'anti-stylist' who loathed such ornamentation. This study examines the theme of fear in Polybius' history, its role in his lived experience and interstate environment, his rejection of rhetorical flourishes in depicting fear, and his personal political circumstances and self-appointed role as fearless educator and advisor of Roman power elites.

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2014

This paper focuses on how Roman commanders, while still overseas and in the field, managed the capitulation of the defeated enemy in preparation for triumph. Lucius Mummius’ deeds in Greece as consul and proconsul after the sack of Corinth offer some of the best evidence concerning the delicate questions that faced Roman commanders when assembling the booty: what artworks should be removed and shipped to Rome (and Italy) as evidence of victory, and what should be left in situ in order to avert the ongoing resentment of the Greek communities. Several documents and anecdotes describe Mummius’ activity and convey different attitudes towards him. The role of these artworks in his political plans, both in Italy and overseas, reveal a complex pattern from which we can identify their key-role in the aftermath of the Achaean war (146 BC). First, he razed Corinth and punished a great number of Achaean and Beotian towns by removing some of their artworks. Then, he not only offered many artifacts as ornamenta to the temples in the urbs or to the local communities in Italy, but he also relocated some statues in Greece to benefit sanctuaries and cities which had supported Rome during the war. Moreover, Mummius usually abstained from removing the anathemata, although some he rededicated in his name to the gods. At the end of the article Mummius’ conduct is compared to Scipio Aemilianus’ policy of repatriation of anathemata stolen by the Carthaginians and to the use of Greek artworks by Octavian after Actium.

Hermes, 2018

Polybios' famous description of Philip V of Macedon as "the darling of the Greeks" (ἐρώμενος … τῶν Ἑλλήνων) comes about at a critical moment in the historian's narrative of the king's life: it appears at the end of a summary extolling all of the good characteristics and deeds Philip exhibited and achieved in his early years, when he had inspired great hopes of future magnanimity amongst his Greek allies (4.27.9, 77; 7.11); and just before the king takes a sudden turn for the worse in 215 BC, when he incites revolution in the allied city of Messene and attempts to impose a Macedonian garrison on its citadel. This article sets out to break new ground not only in the study of the Macedonian king, but also in the study of the literary aspects of Polybios' work, by exploring this statement in more depth and arguing that it retained its significance beyond the structural demarcation of Philip's change. The imagery that such a title inherently possessed and conveyed helped to define and deepen understanding of the relationship between Philip and his Greek allies in his early years by evoking implicit connotations within the audience. Within Polybios' "Histories", Philip V of Macedon (ruled 221-179 BC) is presented as a striking figure. His life is one of opposites: brilliance, success and power, coupled with cruelty, defeat and tragedy. The historian's portrait is on the whole negative and hostile, depicting a king who falls into increasingly cruel, treacherous and excessive behaviour until he is defeated by Rome in 197 BC, and thereby supposedly punished for his bad behaviour by an avenging tyche (Plb. 18.22; 23.10). Yet, this depiction of decline comes about after a glowing start. For the first six years of his reign while still in his youth (c.17-23 years old), Philip is said to have conferred so many benefits upon his Greek allies and displayed such a beneficent policy that Polybios declares he could be called, "the darling of the Greeks" (ἐρώμενος … τῶν Ἑλλήνων) 1. This description marks an important moment in the historian's narrative of the king's life: it comes at the end of a summary extolling all of the good characteristics and deeds Philip exhibited and achieved in his early years, when he had exceeded expectations and brought about great hopes of his magnanimity for the future among his Greek allies (4.27.9, 77; 7.11). It also comes just before the king's contuct takes a sudden turn for the worse in 215 BC when he incites revolution in the allied city of Messene and attempts to impose a Macedonian garrison in its citadel (7.10-14). This statement therefore underlines what Polybios considered the highpoint of Philip's career, and deliberately enhances the contrast between Philip while still in his 1 Plb. 7.11.7-8. This material is under copyright. Any use outside of the narrow boundaries of copyright law is illegal and may be prosecuted. This applies in particular to copies, translations, microfilming as well as storage and processing in electronic systems.