Ancient Greek Religion

This study skills guide introduces the “Essay Blob” technique—an innovative and student-friendly method for exam revision in the humanities and social sciences. Rather than relying on memorised essays or endless notes, students are shown how to construct compact, structured argument units (“blobs”) that can be quickly expanded under exam pressure. With practical examples, playful metaphors (including the now-iconic towel tablet), and advice tailored to Oxford-style tutorial writing, this note helps undergraduates develop confidence, clarity, and critical voice in their exam responses. Perfect for students seeking high-impact strategies that prioritise argument over description.

For students and the general reader, this is the best English translation of the entire 'Laws' available. I give several examples of important lines that are translated well in this edition, but I take issue with the translation of some other lines and with part of Schofield's introduction on grounds that these parts do not reveal Plato's political and cosmic holism as clearly as they could have.

He does not fire because he is afraid. He does not fire because he doubts. He waits, because the Eye has not yet spoken. But now, it has.

This paper decodes a 5,000-year-old gold seal from the Elamite cultural horizon, revealing it as
a functional star map, lunar calibration system, and ritual cosmogram. The central figure, long
assumed to be a warrior or deity, is reinterpreted as The Archer of the Eye, a sovereign who
holds his bow suspended in a moment of solstice breath, aiming not at a beast but at the bull of the year.
The figure’s posture, crown, and geometry encode the timing mechanism of winter renewal:
when the moon disappears and the sun stands still between December 21–23, the bull must
bow and time must reset. This is not a myth. It is a resonance algorithm built in gold.
Behind the archer rises a hidden star map: seven and eight orb-clusters marking lunar and solar
gates, Orion’s Belt, and a constellation of stellar logic echoed at Göbekli Tepe, Nabta Playa, the
Indus Valley, and beyond. Each element—the pyramid crown, the missing 12th orb, the black
hole at the crown, the breath-stilled mouth, the winged bull, the leaf of alignment, speaks not to
ornament but to function.
This is not simply a Near Eastern ritual scene. It is a fragment of a global memory system. We
show that the same solstice calibration encoded here also appears in Bahrain, Iran,
Mesopotamia, Crete, Anatolia, the UK, and pre-dynastic Egypt, often linked to the constellation
of Orion and the descent of the Eye.

This is Seal III in the Five Seals of Return. If the first seal was descent and the second
unveiling, then this is the moment of breath alignment. The arrow will fly, but only when the Eye confirms.

Pain is a strange beast. The assessment and understanding of pain presents the greatest of challenges for students of pain and patient history (ancient and modern alike). The lived experience of pain evades the historian of disability, the ancient historian, and the archaeologist. It often eludes even the palaeopathologist, who might be able to recognise the physical markers of an ancient ailment on human remains but misses altogether the pervasiveness of chronic suffering in the individual’s lived experience and relationships. Even modern pain specialists, who rely exclusively on quantitative neuroscientific tools, such as fMRI results, for the exploration of pain cannot quite fully comprehend nor qualify its impact on the everyday life of the individual sufferer(s). This study targets narrative strategies and the individual experience of pain in the ancient world, with an extra focus on gout-induced pain in the first and second centuries CE. To that end, this chapter surveys key literary and epigraphic
evidence from this period. The main aim is to showcase the high impact
that gout-related pain has on the ‘lived bodies’ of sufferers.

Recent studies on religion and democracy in Classical Athens (e.g.,
Jameson 2014; Canevaro and Gray 2018; Petridou 2021) have argued that
an unmistakable two-directional relationship between religious life and
political action religion is obvious in every sphere of socio-political and
economic activity (education, healthcare, law-making, law enforcement,
etc.) and on every level of societal organisation in the city (from the individual to the household, and from the professional and cultic associations to the city-state as a whole). This chapter engages closely with recent socio-anthropological perspectives and looks afresh at the symbolic polyvalence of the epiphanic procession that led the exiled tyrannos Peisistratus back to Athens in the 550s BC (Hdt. 1.60.2–5) as an example of such unmistakably two-directional relationship between religious life and political action. Effectively, the present study joins forces with the other contributors of this volume to discuss the careful ritual construction and signification of that procession, and the means it employed to create a climate of political cohesion and celebration in the community.

This study calls for a reconsideration of the infused with mystery
imagery and terminology narratives in the Hieroi Logoi (henceforth
HL), and argues that a close and careful re-examination of this
rich material may yield valuable information not only regarding Aristides’
conception of the Pergamene cult in the Imperial Era, but also
of the way medical art (technē iatrikē) was conceptualised by other
members of the socio-political elite in the second century AD. If
placed in its proper socio-cultural context, I maintain, Aristides’ propensity
to recast Asclepius’ healing cult in terms of a mystery cult of
the highest order can reveal deeper more meaningful conceptual links
between Imperial mystery cults and healing cults.

Vestire" la letteratura. Il ruolo della copertina nella promozione del libro greco in Italia Maurizio de rosa ... NEL TEMPO Lo sguardo inedito sulla Grecia di Lord Charlemont a metà del Settecento niCoLa PaCe Due infelicità a confronto. L'incontro di Saffo con Pulcinella ne Il gran salto di Leucade di Andrea Passaro (Napoli 1812) Marina CaVaLLi L'Itaca che non c'è. Odisseo in cerca di approdo nella poesia di Seferis CeCiLia nobiLi Aspetti del simbolismo del sedano: vittoria e morte giaMPiera arrigoni Εἶδον δὲ καὶ αὐτός, o dell'utilità della visione dei luoghi MassiMiLiano ornaghi

In this study, an eagle figurine from Burdur Museum will be examined. It was purchased by the museum authorities in 1975 and recorded in the museum inventory. The figurine is made of silver alloy. It was produced with mold technique. In addition, wire, granulation and engraving technique were used. It was defined as a gold medallion eagle figurine due to the gold ornamentation on it. The eagle figurines are one of the leading artifacts of art of the Roman Empire.They were theologically accepted with various mystical rituals and ideologically became the symbol of political and military power. Their purposes of use changed accordingly and they were used as cult objects, military symbols, grave gifts, furniture and ornaments or accessories belonging to an object. Findings such as melted metal residue and solder marks indicating that the Burdur Museum example was belongs to an object indicate that the figurine is part of an object. The twisted square gold wire wrapping the body of the figurine like an ornament, the serpent soldered to the gold wire on the chest and the ram figure between its claws are the most important defining characteristics that distinguish our work from existing eagle figurines. At the same time, this figurine is a rare example where eagle-serpent-ram figures are defined as a group of works and form a common composition. Another distinguishing feature is that the eagle figurine is made of silver alloy and decorated with gold alloy ornaments. The stylistic and technical features of the figurine provide a historical standard for displaying the craftsmanship of the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial Period. This study initially gives information regarding the defining, technical and iconographic features of the figurine. Secondly, a proposal for its date is presented by an analogical and typological assessment utilizing comparative examples of the figurine.

The Greek name for the pig is ὕς, once called θῦς from the verb θῦειν, that is, 'to sacrifice' (Varro, Rust. 4.9) Excavations in the Roman cemetery near the Legio VI Ferrata base, dated to the secondthird centuries CE, exposed a pit containing the remains of at least 13 domestic pigs represented primarily by mandibles. This study presents new evidence of the role of pigs in Roman military ceremonies, specifically in funerary practices, based on comparable archaeological data and historical and iconographic evidence. The discovery provides valuable insights into the role of pigs in Roman burial practices, suggesting that this was not a cemetery deposition but part of a funerary activity, shedding light on burial practices within the Roman colonies in the Levant, particularly of Roman legions in the province of

Reconstructions of the external delimitation as well as internal subdivisions of Mycenaean palatial polities have been major desiderata in studies of Mycenaean political geographies. Although the association of both boundaries and specific place names with identified archaeological sites on the ‘objective’ physical map has never ceased to occupy a central position in pertinent agendas, important insights into the spatial dimension of Mycenaean administrations can be provided by examining ‘thematic’ geographies. These can be documented through the study of geographic references incorporated into the book-keeping records of a specific industry or sector of a palace economy, or even a specific site or region that might have a special significance for the political and economic organization of the centre that produced the record. Although seemingly narrow in focus, such ‘thematic’ approaches to political geography might reveal variability in the ways Mycenaean administrators conceived the spatial aspect of their polities. As a major source of social power in ancient states, military might played a major role in shaping (and preserving) the boundaries of expansive integrative polities, as well as maintaining control over other power resources. Building from this understanding, the present paper focuses on the likelihood there were substantial structural differences in the political geographies of our better documented polities, those centred at Knossos and Pylos, in the process bringing certain idiosyncratic features to the fore. It then proceeds to examine glimpses of the production of military equipment, focusing on chariots, as well as problematising the insights potentially offered by the link between weapon production and the political geography of the Pylian territory, as revealed in PY Jn 829. Finally, the paper comments on the identification of ‘allies’ on the Pylian o-ka tablets and the representation of ‘others’ in Mycenaean imagery.

A primeira das grandes festividades do verão espartano eram as Jacíntias (Hiakínthia). Faziam lembrar o príncipe espartano, Jacinto (Hiakínthos), morto enquanto jogava discos com Apolo. Durante dez dias, as festas à divindade movimentavam a cidade. O auge do festejo era uma grande procissão que se estendia como fio, de Esparta a Amiclas, unindo essas duas comunidades por uma via sagrada, hiera odos. Este artigo procura analisar o festejo espartano, como mecanismo de construção e fortalecimento de uma identidade religiosa local, que visava fortalecer as relações entre espartanos e as demais comunidades que circulavam sob sua órbita política. Para tanto, far-se-á uso da documentação literária, e quando possível, dos dados de origem material, de maneira a construir um perfil sólido do festejo, suas etapas e rituais.

Sparta stands out as a prominent city-state of ancient Greece, renowned for its significant historical impact. Its legacy is marked not only by its involvement in major historical events but also by the 'peculiarities' attributed to the constitution and societal life of the Classical city. Ancient written sources often portrayed Sparta as a militaristic and patriotic model of severity, discipline and austerity, crafting narratives that emphasised these traits. Over time, these narratives have fascinated various audiences and frequently been used for ideological and political purposes. Locally, these historical narratives have affected aspects of the contemporary Spartan society and the expectations of visitors and scholars. Projects for the enhancement of Spartan archaeological sites were systematically implemented rather late, in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This article discusses this development and explores the ways in which organised and accessible archaeological sites and their narratives can engage diverse audiences. It also considers how such efforts can challenge and revise established narratives, impacting local identity and regional development.

On the occasion of the conference “Les dieux en scène: théâtre et polythéisme en Grèce ancienne”

Mercredi 14 mai, Université de Lausanne, Bâtiment Géopolis, salle 1620

10h00-10h45 Anton Bierl (Université de Bâle), « Prometheus at the End of
Aristophanes’ Birds »

No scene which presents itself to the imagination excites greater pathos than that of Socrates sitting on his prison couch and cheerfully drinking his cup of poison. Long after the reader has forgotten the wandering maze of arguments in Plato's Phaedo, he carries fixed in his mind the heroism of Socrates during his last day, his persistence in pursuing difficult arguments, and the nobility with which he meets his death. And Plato has achieved his aim, for the dialogue is not about the immortality of the soul -indeed, the arguments, as gen- erally recognized, are unsuccessful -no, the dialogue is about the heroic death of Socrates and the proposition that only the philoso- pher -as epitomized in the person of Socrates -can meet death heroically.' For only the philosopher knows that he cannot know about the afterlife and the soul, and he is thus the only one who can die courageously. The Phaedo shows, perhaps more than any other dialogue, how ' Cf. Paul Friedlander {Plato, Vol. I, tr. Hans MeyerhofF [Princeton 1969], p. 122), who says that all the Platonic dialogues are ultimately encomia to Socrates. Nietzsche too saw the figure of Socrates as charismatic or inspirational. Hans-Georg Gadamer {Dialogue and Dialectic: Eight Hermeneutical Studies on Plato, tr. P. Christopher Smith [New Haven and London 1980], p. 22) writes: "As Nietzsche has so aptly put it, this figure of the dying Socrates became the new ideal to which the noblest of the Greek youth now dedicated themselves instead of to that older heroic ideal, Achilles. Thus the Phaedo's poetic power to convince is stronger than its logical power to prove." brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Illinois Digital Environment for... ' On a similar joke on memory, see Meno 7lc and the discussion of the joke in William S. Cobb, Jr., "Anamnesis: Platonic Doctrine or Sophistic Absurdity?" Dialogue 12 (1973), 604-28. ^And, of course, the theory of recollection is mired in the problem of infinite regress (i.e., whence the original knowledge?). See Cobb, esp. pp. 619-21. '''

Publié initialement en polonais (2014), cet ouvrage imposant a été revu et augmenté par l’auteur pour la présente édition en anglais , fort bienvenue. Il s’agit de revenir sur la question très controversée du rapport de l’Iliade à l’oralité, telle qu’elle a été définie dans le courant issu des travaux de Milman Parry et Albert Lord, appelé en général « Oral Poetry », dont l’auteur est très résolument partisan, avec une argumentation très détaillée et très bien informée des arguments adverses, en même temps que de celle de la monumentalité du texte, évoquée dès la première page.
La question met très largement en cause les fragments du Cycle épique et il faut signaler, me semble-t-il, qu’un livre récent, paru en 2022, avait un objectif tout à fait analogue : Andrew Porter, Homer and the Epic Cycle. Recovering the Oral Traditional Relationship, Leiden/Boston, Classical Poetry, Brill Research Perspectives. En 126 pages au lieu de 663 pour Zieliński, donc en visant un public très différent. Il vaut donc la peine d’analyser de près les arguments très détaillés et très savants de ce dernier.
Lisez la suite du compte rendu complet si vous êtes intéresse(e)

The city of Panopeus (aka Phanoteus) in Phokis, reputed in imperial times to be indigent according to the famous passage by Pausanias – which however still requires commentary –, can now be better understood thanks to recent advances in its archaeological and epigraphical exploration. These advances show in particular two breaks at the threshhold and towards the end of the Classical period, respectively in connection with the Persian invasion of 480 BC and the 3rd Sacred War (356-346 BC). Among the Phokian cities in Hellenistic times, Panopeus undoubtedly remained an average city, whose life is made manifest by two new inscriptions, a dedication to Herakles and an erotic text.

Here is a valuable work: the first full commentary on the Iliad in one very handy volume, with I think all the useful bibliography, at least for the works available in English. It should involve the entire academic public, students and teachers, for a somewhat in-depth approach to the Homeric epic. On condition that non-English speaking teachers supplement the bibliographical reference arsenal with data from their linguistic field, it seems to me to provide the necessary information in a very accessible form (Paperback volume of reasonable weight, it also exists in bound form). After the introduction by the editor, the well-known specialist of homeric comparisons Jonathan Ready, each song of the Iliad is entrusted to a different author, all specialists of Homer in one title or another, so that no chapter seemed irrelevant. The list of contributors is at the end of the volume. A song and an author per chapter, this ensures a certain diversity. But the structure of each chapter is identical for each song: summary; study of the topics covered; poetics; list of themes related to other passages in the Iliad; essential bibliographical references. This aspect is obviously crucial for the rational use of the public, both teachers and students. I will of course comment on each chapter more closely, but first I would like to say that the the only point of criticism I would have to make in this general plan is the place given to the summaries-half a page to three printed pages-compared to articles of about ten pages on average, seems excessive, given that summaries are found almost everywhere in the school editions of the Iliad, and that abstracts can encourage students to dispense with a full reading, in which only, in my opinion, is what Barthes called the "pleasure of the text". Commentary on song 1, by Mary Bachvarova: the conflict of the Iliad is a conflict of words, eris, between two leaders of the same camp causing the anger of Achilles, mēnis; the poetics of this song organized around the fundamental orality of the poem, of the minimal compositional unit that is the formula to the typical scene, presenting in an allusive form a rich legendary background (fight of the Lapiths against the Centaurs, sacrifice of the daughter of Agamemnon, rescue by Thetes of Zeus prisoner of the other gods) ; second time devoted to comparative parallels that include the Iliad in an Indo-European context. Rachel Friedmann, chant 2: themes of the dream, of the dissension in the Achean army and the consequent threat, presentation of Ulysses as a good king in contrast to the ineptitude of Agamemnon and character of Thersite with a name that speaks; for the poetic, good analysis of the comparisons that punctuate the stages of the movement of the army, and mark the presence of the poet. The Catalogue of ships is poetic, the call to the Muse who introduced it and the story of the aedium Thamyris, punished for his claim to compete with the Muses, are proof.

This paper discusses the issue of feasting and mortuary ritual at Sparta and examines the available textual evidence in combination with the evidence from iconographic representations of ‘banquets’ in the so-called ‘hero reliefs’. The paper focuses on finds from a recently conducted excavation of a cemetery at Katsaris plot on Othonos-Ama
lias and Leonidou Streets, which is the first organised cemetery of the Archaic and Classical periods that has come to light and been systematically excavated at Sparta. The excavation has revealed some hitherto unknown features of Spartan burial culture, such as horse sacrifices and the use of ceremonial kantharoid vessels. The kantharoid
vessels in particular have a bearing on the interpretation of the so-called ‘hero reliefs’ of Laconia, highlighting their possibly funerary nature

Les Judéens et les Israélites de la Bible ne correspondent pas nécessairement à l’image que l’on se fait des Juifs à partir du Moyen-Âge. Ainsi, cette étude se penche non pas sur les Judéens bibliques, mais sur le processus qui a mené à l’émergence de communautés juives hors du territoire de l’Israël antique. Bien qu’il existe un lien culturel entre les Israélites et les Judéens de l’époque royale et les Juifs après la destruction de Jérusalem par les Romains, ces deux mondes demeurent distincts, tant sur le plan historique que culturel. Il est crucial d’établir une distinction entre l’ère des cultes sacrificiels de l’Antiquité et le monde des religions monothéistes. Dans les anciens empires, le culte servait avant tout d’instrument politique, visant à unifier les populations sous un pouvoir souverain, en s’appuyant sur des coutumes et des symboles communs. Parallèlement, les croyances populaires occupaient une place prépondérante dans la vie quotidienne. Il est donc essentiel de distinguer le culte sacerdotal officiel des pratiques populaires.
Cette étude se concentre sur les Juifs plutôt que sur le judaïsme. Le terme « judaïsme » est un concept moderne, dont la signification théologique n’a pris forme qu’au XVIIIe siècle, dans le cadre de l’étude des religions. Le judaïsme rabbinique, selon ses écrits, ne traite pas tant des croyances et des opinions que d’un ensemble d’actes autorisés ou interdits. Cela ne signifie pas que, parallèlement, des courants mystiques comme le hassidisme et la kabbale ou des penseurs rationalistes comme Maïmonide n’ont pas cherché à appréhender le judaïsme sous d’autres facettes

A MORE CONSERVATIVE attitude to the colometry of manu- scripts ought to have received a substantial impetus from the publication in 1954 of Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 2236, with its stimulating fragments from the recognition duet of Helen and Menelaos in the ever puzzling Helena of Euripides. This papyrus is assigned to the late first century B.C., age of the chalcenteric Didymus, and the sole independent witness for the play among the Byzantine MSS is L, Laurentianus 32.2, dated by its watermarks and otherwise to the second decade of the fourteenth century. Yet there is almost complete agreement on colometry between the two documents, written some fourteen centuries apart. This was first seen by Professor Gunther Zuntz;l and the general conclusion is well expressed by Professor A. M. Dale in her edition of the play in 1967 (p.170): It has long been held that one of the chief arguments for the descent of all our medieval MSS. from an authoritative Alexandrian edition, the work of Aristophanes of Byzantium, is their general agreement in lyric colometry; in such a daunting complexity of material, the key to which was for so long completely lost, the influence of this first great systematic ordering must have been paramount. L P show little more divergence from II [the Helena papyrus] in this respect than they do (when Triclinius's alterations are removed) from M A B V in the Select Plays; that is to say, colome try is, on the whole, the same, with a few minor discrepancies. 2 t Professor Young died suddenly at Chapel Hill on 24 October 1973. This final essay has been seen through press by his admiring friends, the editors. 1 Professor Gunther Zuntz appears to have been the first to observe publicly that the cola•divisions in papyri and mediaeval MSS of Euripides are, by and large, identical, and that this must go back to Aristophanes of Byzantium. He did so in a lecture at the University of London Institute of Classical Studies in November 1960. in the presence of Professor A. M. Dale and Dr W. S. Barrett.

During Roman times, many Egyptians were recruited in the Roman
imperial fleet. Moreover, most of the merchants and the sailors of the
Mediterranean Sea came from Egypt and the East. Egyptian sailors and
merchants worshipped the Greek sea god Poseidon and rarely the Greek
god Proteus. This paper aims to throw the light on the deities, whether
gods or goddesses which were particularly regarded as divine patrons of
the sea, sailors and sea voyages. It aims also to analyze the various marine
religious festivals and their rituals in Alexandria during the Græco-Roman
period. Isis became the guardian of the ships and their owners. During
the Græco-roman period, Isis was named “Stella Maris” that means “the
star of the sea” and survived into the 6th CE. Numerous inscriptions inform
us that Isis was addressed as a marine goddess as Isis Euploia, Isis Pharia
and Isis Pelagia. In Alexandria, Isis Pelagia became the consort of Serapis
and was the protector goddess of the island of Pharos. Isis-Tyche was also
regarded to be the wife of God Serapis and was assimilated with Isis Pharia.
The serpentine form of Isis Thermouthis and Serapis Agathodaemon
appeared on the sacred cultic pitchers of Isis which were used during
the festival of Isis Navigium.  Aelius Aristides described Serapis as: “Serapis
is great on sea”. Many letters were written by the sailors mentioning that
they were protected by Serapis and Isis. Serapis was regarded also as
an oracular god and a protector of travellers by sea, perhaps because
of his association with the great port of Alexandria. The Serapeum of
Alexandria was built on a rocky spot called “akropolis”. Being seen from
all sides from the city below, this site probably functioned as a sea spot
for sailors of the Mediterranean Sea. A Greek myth described Egypt to be
one of the cult centers of Poseidon who came constantly to the island of
Pharos in Egypt. Many historians confirmed the existence of a temple for
Poseidon in Alexandria nearby the Roman Odeon. In Greek mythology,
Proteus was responsible for guarding the sea herds of Poseidon. He came
constantly to the island of Pharos in Egypt and his cult center might be
centralized on this island

Cuneiform sources confirm the major role played by fish in people’s subsistence in South Mesopotamia. Moreover, far from being a simple
daily resource, fish seems to have a symbolic charge in Sumerian society from the end of Uruk to the Early Dynastic period: its logogram is part
of the name of the goddess Nanše, royal inscriptions define it as a divine messenger, scenes depicting it in ritual contexts are found in tombs and
temples. This article crosses informations from cuneiform texts, archaeological contexts where fish remains were found, and iconography
to propose a chrono-cultural analysis, in order to reassess man’s relationship with fish as the first cities emerge on the Mesopotamian alluvial plain.

Recibido: 10 de septiembre de 2024 • Aceptado: 17 de octubre de 2024 Resumen: En este estudio se analizan los términos πρόφασις y σκῆψις en las tragedias de Esquilo, Sófocles y Eurípides, con el objetivo de identificar las diferencias semánticas entre estos términos y determinar las razones que llevan a seleccionar un término u otro en un determinado contexto. En efecto, las diferencias semánticas entre πρόφασις y σκῆψις se encuentran bien representadas en el uso que los tragediógrafos hicieron de estos términos en sus obras, donde sirven para clasificar implícitamente el tipo de pretexto, excusa o coartada empleado y dan información adicional sobre las verdaderas razones que mueven la trama dramática. Terminamos el estudio con un breve apéndice sobre el uso de estos términos en las comedias de Aristófanes. Palabras clave: semántica griega; tragedia griega; πρόφασις; σκῆψις.

This article examines the use of the Mycenaean titular term ra-wake -ta 'leader of the people' (spelling lāwāgetās, continued mainly as Dor. λᾱγέτᾱς) in post-Mycenaean Greek literature, demonstrating the textual and semantic diachrony of this culturally important term through a detailed survey of its usage in the classical period in comparison with the Linear B materials. Following its peculiar absence in Homer and early epics, in Ibycus and Pindar the word lāwāgetās exhibits a semantic shift from its administrative and militaristic denotation as shown in the palace documents to being chiefly used as an epithet for mythical and heroic figures. The word is further attested in Sophocles fr.221 Radt where the title is applied to a female character. We will conclude the discussion with a brief look at what traces of λᾱγέτᾱς are preserved in names and lexicography before it finally disappeared in the extant Greek materials.

In this paper I discuss the significance of the temple of Ares in the Athenian Agora in relation to Athenian religious traditions and Roman propaganda. I suggest that Ares was of greater importance to Athenian cult than has often been assumed and that this was exploited by both Greeks and Romans in the early Imperial period.

How should stories about enslaved people who became rich and/or famous after their manumission be understood? Given that manumission did not make former slaves legally equal to citizens in the ancient Greek world, do these stories reflect realities in the places where these slaves lived and acted? Do they reflect concepts about and hopes among slaves for social mobility and a general belief that slaves had equal mental abilities?
Or do they reflect the anxieties of slave-owners lest such scenarios materialize?
My aim here is to examine some of these stories in their social, cultural, and political contexts and offer some observations. Being written about 2,500 years ago by persons other than the slaves themselves, in various genres and for different purposes, these stories pose serious obstacles and present a complex and ambiguous picture. This very kaleidoscopic tableau, however, more than that portrayed in legal texts, may teach us about the concepts and attitudes to slaves and freed slaves in the  communities and periods in which they were written or – if the extant evidence allows inference – in which the subjects of these stories lived.

recueil Forgerons, élites et voyageurs d'Homère à nos jours est un hommage rendu à la mémoire d'Isabelle Ratinaud-Lachkar, dont les publications portaient sur les métaux et leurs usages dans les sociétés grecques de la période géométrique. Élue membre junior de l'Institut universitaire de France en novembre 2008, elle avait présenté dans son dossier de candidature plusieurs thématiques de recherche développées dans le présent ouvrage. L'introduction de ce volume coordonné par Marie-Claude Ferriès, Maria Paola Castiglioni et Françoise Létoublon, souligne l'intérêt de la méthode qu'elle avait adoptée en combinant les approches de l'archéologue, de l'historien et de l'historiographe, pour suivre la piste des métaux et interroger, chemin faisant, les élites et les échanges culturels. Les chercheurs à l'origine des vingt-trois chapitres qui composent ce volume, se réclament de cette pluridisciplinarité.

According to Jewish and Protestant Christian reckoning, the Second Commandment of the Decalogue reads in part: “You shall not make for yourself a graven image or any likeness of what is in heaven above or on the earth below…” (For perhaps obvious reasons, this commandment is not to be found in the Roman Catholic list.) In the Hebrew prophets, this was amplified, and the Hebrew Bible records many bloody “smashing of idols” and genocidal destruction of idolators.
When Islam coalesced from the religious ragout of the seventh century CE, the Israelite phobia of “images” was incorporated along with the taboo against eating the flesh of swine. “Fight against them until idolatry is no more and God’s religion reigns supreme. But if they desist fight none except evil-doers” [Sura 2:190-193, N.J. Dawood translation].
Soon after the invention of Islam, conquering Muslim forces began to exert more than military pressure against the Christian churches of the region. Quite understandably, Muslims considered the Christian “veneration” of images to be tantamount to idolatry. A major program of iconoclasm (idol-smashing) was initiated by the Byzantine Christian Emperor Leo III [r. 717-41], and Catholic Christian iconoclasm lasted until 842 CE. At the start of the 16th century, Calvin and Zwingli “encouraged” their minions to destroy Catholic works of art when appropriating their churches for their own use.
Ultimately, of course, both Christianity and Judaism grew up enough to conclude a truce with a civilization in which representational art not only is tolerated but honored and respected. Islam, alas, has not ever really grown up — although there have been periods and places in which even Muslims tolerated this fine art. Overall, it has clung to its taboo against representational art with a ferocity not seen in the West since the Dark Ages. The problems posed to secular Western societies by Muslim iconoclasm are discussed in depth.

Maria G. Spathi, Maria Chidiroglou, Jenny Wallensten, Apotropaia and phylakteria: confronting evil in ancient Greece. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2024. Pp. 280. ISBN 9781803277493.
Review by Christina Aamodt, Thessaloniki, Greece
https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2025/2025.05.08/

Osmanlı Dönemi öncesine kadar; gerek Müslüman, gerekse gayrimüslim devletler arasında sürekli el değiştiren Gaziantep şehri, Osmanlı dönemi ile birlikte bayındır bir hale gelmiştir. Kent, genelde devletlerin sınır şehri olarak kalmış, Osmanlı döneminde istikrarın sağlanmasıyla birlikte, gelişerek önem kazanmıştır. Gaziantep’in gelişmesi ve zenginleşmesi, mimari eserlere doğrudan etki etmiş, özellikle il merkezinin cami, medrese, han, hamam gibi yapılarla donatılmasına mahal vermiştir.
Gaziantep Türk-İslam Mimarisi adlı tezimizde, Gaziantep il merkezi, ilçeleri ve köylerinde yer alan, Türk-İslam mimari eserleri incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Osmanlı dönemi öncesindeki eserlerin çoğunun tarihi, net olarak bilinmemektedir. Gaziantep’teki en erken tarihli yapının Hz. Ömer dönemine kadar gittiği söylense de bu gerçekle pek bağdaşmamaktadır. İncelediğimiz yapıların tarih aralığı, 12. yy.’la 20. yy.’ın ilk çeyreği arasındadır. Bu geniş zaman diliminde konumuz kapsamındaki 115 eserden; 42’si cami, 6’sı mescit, 1’i zaviye, 1’i imaret, 2’si medrese, 2’si mektep, 6’sı türbe, 11’i hamam, 7’si çeşme, 6’sı kastel, 7’si köprü, 21’i han, 2’si bedesten 1’i kaledir.
Özgünlüğünü büyük ölçüde koruyarak gelen 115 yapının yanı sıra, çeşitli sebeplerle tamamen ortadan kaldırılmış veya orijinalliği tamamen kaybetmiş bir o kadar da yapı bulunmaktadır. Yapıların günümüze gelememesinin sebepleri arasında; deprem, yangın gibi doğal afetler; bilinçsiz onarımlar ve rant uğruna bilinçli şekilde yıkımları sayabiliriz. Bunların yanında, kuşkusuz en büyük sebep ise Gaziantep’in Kurtuluş Harbi’dir. Mimari eserlerin büyük çoğunluğu bu harpte yara almış veya yıkılmıştır. Şehrin çeşitli yerlerindeki bazı mimari eserlerde, hala savaşın izlerini görmek mümkündür. Mimari eserler, günümüzde bu izleri gazilik nişanı olarak gururla taşımaktadır.
İslam’ın Anadolu’ya yayılmasıyla birlikte, bölgeyi elinde tutan Zengiler, Eyyubiler ve Memlukler; hem Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgesinin bir kısmında, hem de Gaziantep’te bir takım mimari miraslar bırakmıştır. Bu devletlerden kalan miras, bölgedeki Beylikler ve Osmanlı mimari eserlerini de etkilemiş ve yörede şahsına münhasır bir üslup oluşmuştur. Payitaht’tan uzak olan Gaziantep’te, doğrudan Osmanlı etkisiyle yapılmış mimari eser, bir elin parmaklarını geçmez. Gaziantep’in kendine özgü üslubu, her yapı türünde kendini göstermektedir. Elbette bunda Gaziantep’in yerel banilerinin, mimarlarının ve ustalarının da katkıları vardır.
Bu çalışmamız ile Gaziantep’in maddi kültürel değerlerine ve mimari mirasının zenginliğine bir nebze katkı sağladığımız inancındayız. Yapıların birçoğunun tarihi, banisi, mimarı ve ustası bilinmemektedir. Buna rağmen elimizden geldiğince, elde ettiğimiz veriler ışığında, yapılar değerlendirilmeye ve tarihlendirilmeye çalışılmıştır. Şüphesiz ilerde bulunacak yeni verilerle birlikte, karanlık olan bilgiler aydınlığa kavuşacaktır. Bu uğurda gelecek araştırmacılara, küçük de olsa bir katkımız olacağı inancıyla çalışmamızı sunuyoruz.

SOMMARIO

SAGGI


Louis Godart, Personale presente, assente e itinerante nelle tavolette in lineare B

Αναστασία Γεωργιάδου, Μαρία Ελευθεριάδη, Παγώνα Ιωαννίδου, Φωτεινή Λογοθετίδου, Αρχαία εγκατάσταση στην Παραλίμνη Πέλλας. Ένα εμπορείο έκπληξη Υστερογεωμετρικής-Πρώιμης Κλασικής εποχής και υστερορωμαϊκά κατάλοιπα οικισμού, δρόμου και γέφυρας

Francesca Mermati, Guerriero, carpentiere e sacerdote. Un middle class man dalla Valle del Sarno e una nuova pisside globulare pithecusano-cumana

Alessandro Minola, Una nota numismatica alla “Legge di Chios”

Eugenio La Rocca, Il gruppo in terracotta del Poeta e delle Sirene a Taranto: un esame basato sullo stile

Giovanni Marginesu, L’antica forma. Il restauro degli edifici sacri nella Grecia classica ed ellenistica. Prolegomeni epigrafici

Niki Sakka, New evidence on the precinct of the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus in Athens: The multiple aspects of a major project and its impact on the city. A preliminary report

Gianluca Mandatori, Ori, monete e vecchie carte. La restituzione dei materiali del Dodecaneso nei documenti d’archivio della SAIA



Greek pottery between the Aegean and the Central Mediterranean in the 8TH and 7TH c. BC. Productions, styles and iconographies, functions and contexts

(edited by Anastasia Gadolou, Mario Denti, Jean-Christophe Sourisseau, Lou de Barbarin, Maria Rosaria Luberto, Josipa Mandić)

Emanuele Papi, Introduction

Anastasia Gadolou, Preface

Mario Denti, Jean-Christophe Sourisseau, Lou de Barbarin, Maria Rosaria Luberto Josipa Mandić, Proceedings of the 8th- and 7th-c. BC GPW - Greek pottery workshops: from Rome to Athens, looking to

Naples, Attica, Euboea, Peloponnese, Aegean Islands

Vicky Vlachou, Attica and Laconia: Comparing models of production and consumption of fine pottery in the 8th and early 7th c. BC

Panagiota Avgerinou, Krater A10770 from the Archaeological Museum of Megara

Christina Kazazaki, An overview of Late Geometric pottery in Megara

Nathan T. Arrington, From influence to networks: Rethinking ceramic connections between Athens and Italy

Giulia Rocco, Protoattic pottery in context outside Attica: Some considerations

Xenia Charalambidou, Insights on ceramic production and consumption at Chalcis on Euboea during the 8th and 7th c. BC. Comparisons with “colonial” contexts in southern Italy and Sicily

Aglaia Koutrobi, A Late Geometric grave from Kamari, Corinthia. Evidence for a new Iron Age site

Ioulia Tzonou, Craft and identity in Corinth in the 8th-7th c. BC

Adrien Delahaye, Christian Mazet, «Beyond the Parnon range, Sparta lay remote». New insights on the 7th-c. Laconian pottery from the Amyklaion

Xenia Charalambidou, Vassilis Lambrinoudakis, Mitropolis and Grotta in Cycladic Naxos. Observations on ancient Naxian ceramic craftsmanship during the 8th and 7th c. BC

Alexandra Alexandridou, Figures, bands and paint on the “Parian” vases from Despotiko: Stylistic developments & functional traits

Giacomo Fadelli, Germano Sarcone, The Lemnian pottery from the Geometric to the end of the Archaic period South Italy and Sicily

Teresa E. Cinquantaquattro, Mariassunta Cuozzo, Pithecusa and Tyrrhenian Campania: Local and imported pottery from the 8th to the 7th c. BC

Luigina Tomay, Pontecagnano: An update on Early Iron Age Greek and Greek-type pottery

Josipa Mandić, From Peloponnese to Incoronata: Functions and consumption of Greek pottery imports and local productions in 7th-c. BC contexts

Maria Rosaria Luberto, Corinth and the others: The Greek pottery of the 8th c. from the Salento to the Ionian coast of southern Italy

Barbara Davidde Petriaggi, The Early Archaic wreck of the Otranto Strait: A preliminary study

Giovanna M. Bacci, Unpublished and revisited material from Colapesce and the urban area of Messina

Gabriella Tigano, The local decorated pottery production of the late 8th-7th c. BC of the western Calcidian colonies of Zancle and Mylai

Maria Costanza Lentini, The pottery production of Naxos in Sicily between the Late Geometric and the Orientalising age

Massimo Frasca, The local painted pottery of Leontinoi

Lou de Barbarin, Siceliotes, Protoattics, or Megarians? About Tréziny type spouted kraters from Megara Hyblaea

Matteo D’Acunto, Rhodian pottery of the 8th and 7th c. BC, and its distribution in Magna Graecia and Sicily

Mario Denti, East Greek figured pottery of the 8th and 7th c. BC in the Italian peninsula: New finds and perspectives

‫العدد‬ 40 ‫اجلزء‬ ‫األول‬ -‫واملذاهب‬ ‫األديان‬ ‫قسم‬ ‫بالقاهر‬ ‫اإلسالمية‬ ‫الدعوة‬ ‫كلية‬ ‫حولية‬ ‫ة‬ 299 ‫حضار‬ ‫يف‬ ‫السلمي‬ ‫والتعايش‬ ‫للتسامح‬ ‫احلضارية‬ ‫التجليات‬ ‫ة‬ ‫املعاصرين‬ ‫املستشرقني‬ ‫عند‬ ‫األندلس‬ distortion and belittling of that civilization, and for intellectual or national goals. Then the research concludes at the end with several results, including: that the civilization of Muslims in Andalusia formed the most splendid and refined images of peaceful coexistence throughout human history, as well as the positive role of tolerance and coexistence in the prosperity of the Andalusian civilization; The interaction between cultures encouraged the development of science, arts and literature, and contributed to the flourishing of the scientific movement. Among the research recommendations: the necessity of paying attention to studying contemporary orientalist writings, especially in their fair aspect, and the necessity of cooperation between various scientific and cultural institutions in reviewing Western writings about Islamic civilization.

Resumen: El objeto de este capítulo es la comparación entre algunos sueños solicitados en el PGM XII y los pasajes fragmentarios que se refieren a las solicitudes a los dioses en los templos incubatorios, para ver el posible tipo de oración que se haría en estos templos.

https://epub.lib.uoa.gr/index.php/aura/article/view/2521

The Greek island of Samothrace, located in the northern Aegean Sea, has been continuously inhabited since about 5500 BC. Samothracian builders, however, imported non-biodegradable building materials in large quantities only during two historical periods, the first during the early Hellenistic period (c. 350–150 BC) and the second during the modern period (c. 1970–2021). Samothrace’s insularity limits the flow of materials: it increases the cost of imports, prevents most waste exports and limits options for local waste management and recycling. The artificial harbors, which were built on the island in antiquity and in the 20th century, have significantly changed the building and reuse patterns on the island. A broad historical outline of building on Samothrace, comparing the last 5000 and 100 years, draws attention to the secondary uses of building materials. By quantifying ancient imports of marble and modern imports of concrete, brick, asphalt, steel and plastics, it is possible to compare the scale of the imprint these materials leave on the landscape. A point of alignment between the historical data collected from archaeological excavations and the modern statistics produced by Sociometabolic Research reveals a striking contrast: the estimated average amount of construction and demolition waste produced each year in Samothrace today (10,000 tones) is roughly equal to the total estimate of all marble imported to the island for construction purposes in antiquity.

It is argued that the painting in the Stoa Poikile described by Pausanias as an engagement between Athenians and Spartans at Argive Oenoe in fact refers to Oenoe in Attica, and depicted the arrival of the Plataean contingent prior to the battle of Marathon. The dependence of Herodotus on the paintings in the Stoa Poikile for his account of Marathon is discussed.

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The Ancient Greek World consisted of approximately 1.000 autonomous polities and was remarkable for both its diversity and uniformity. As Greeks dispersed throughout the Mediterranean, the different environmental and human ecosystems they encountered created important differences among widely scattered settlements: each Greek community developed its own unique set of socio­political institutions and social practices. Nonetheless, despite their dispersal and diversity, Greek communities were bound together by a network of commercial, cul­ tural, diplomatic, and military ties and shared important commonalities, most notably lan­ guage and religion.
The Oxford History of the Archaic Greek World, a collaborative effort by more than forty emi­ nent scholars, offers twenty­two detailed and comprehensive studies of key sites from across the Greek world in the period between c. 750 and c. 480 bce. During that period, Greeks confronted a series of demographic, political, social, and economic challenges and gener­ ated an array of responses that transformed the ways in which they lived, worked, and inter­ acted. Much of what is now seen as distinctive about Greek culture—such as democracy, stone temples, and nude athletics—first developed during the Archaic period.
The series is organized alphabetically by polis. Volume III contains detailed and up­to­date studies of Cumae and Pithecusae, the Cyclades, and Cyprus. Together with the other volumes in the series, The Oxford History of the Archaic Greek World offers a new and unique resource for the study of ancient Greece that will transform how we understand a crucial era in antiquity.
THE OXFORD HISTORY OF
THE ARCHAIC
GREEK WORLD
Series editors: Paul Cartledge and Paul Christesen
VOLUME III
CUMAE TO CYPRUS
• Offers detailed studies by world­renowned experts of key sites from across the Greek world
• Illuminates a crucial period in ancient Greek history • Expands learning about ancient Greek sites beyond
Athens and Sparta
GREEK WORLD

In several passage of his works, Synesius of Cyrene (d. ca. 412 CE), Christian bishop of Ptolemais and Neoplatonist student of Hypatia, uses various images, such as the “eye” or the “spark” of the soul or the intellect, to designate that human faculty that enables us to achieve the contemplation (Greek theôria) of intelligible realities. The basis for such a faculty is the ancient Greek axiom that “like can only be known by like”, which in turn can be traced back to an even more basic axiom: Similar things — and only similar things — can have an effect on one another. This is, I will argue, the underlying principle of sumpatheia, which also explains the possibility of action at a distance. I will argue here that Synesius’ main source for these ideas is probably Porphyry.

Poséidon n'est pas un inconnu des historiens des religions. Il fait en effet canoniquement partie des études sur les divinités de la Grèce depuis L.R. Farnell 1 . Son chapitre écrit au début du siècle s'avère d'ailleurs un atout précieux, puisqu'il y recense de manière détaillée les diverses épithètes et épiclèses de Poséidon, ainsi que ses pluriels lieux de cultes. C'est à F. Schachermeyr que l'on doit, en 1950 2 , une monographie sur ce dieu. Cette étude liste à son tour ses différents cultes et donne la signification de ses épithètes mais ne met pas vraiment, elle non plus, Poséidon en relation avec ses compères Immortels, ni ne regarde véritablement quelle place il occupe en cité d'Athènes. Poséidon a été souvent relégué du côté d'une nature imprévisible, cantonné dans la violence des tempêtes et la fougue des chevaux 3 . Beaucoup, aussi, se sont intéressés aux rapprochements que le dieu semblait permettre avec le monde indo-européen 4 . Cela a quelque peu enfermé Poséidon dans une image qui interdisait de lui donner un quelconque rôle "politique". On a ainsi souvent dressé de lui le portrait d'un éternel vaincu lors les compétitions engagées entre les Immortels pour enlever le titre de Poliade. "Grand dieu déchu" selon certains 5 , il aurait même été exclu de citoyenneté pour se voir accorder une

2.1.2 La epopeya de Atrahasis: Otro texto mesopotámico, la epopeya de Atrahasis, describe un gran diluvio como resultado de un castigo divino, lo que respalda aún más la narrativa del diluvio global. Capítulo 01 2.1.3 El mito de Deucalión: La mitología griega también contiene una historia de diluvio que involucra a un hombre llamado Deucalión y su esposa, Pirra, quienes sobrevivieron a un gran diluvio. 2.1 Historias del diluvio en las culturas antiguas: La historia del Diluvio Universal, tal como se narra en la Biblia, ha sido objeto de debate y curiosidad durante siglos. Este folleto busca presentar evidencia convincente proveniente de la arqueología, la ciencia y relatos antiguos de todo el mundo, que respalda la existencia de un diluvio cataclísmico similar al relato del Diluvio Universal de Noé. Mediante una colección de referencias, citas y relatos históricos, exploraremos la veracidad de este antiguo evento. La evidencia presentada en este folleto, que abarca desde formaciones geológicas y registros fósiles hasta historias antiguas e investigaciones científicas, respalda la confiabilidad del Diluvio.