Ancient Historiography

As the news of Pope Leo XIV’s ascension to the papacy reverberates throughout the Catholic Church, many are left pondering the monumental decisions that lie ahead. Among the most intriguing possibilities is the potential elevation of St. John Henry Newman to the honoured title of Doctor of the Church. This move would not only resonate with the legacy of Pope Leo XIII, who held Newman in high regard, but it would also serve as a critical affirmation of Newman’s theological insights in a time marked by increasing complexity and uncertainty—what many are calling our postliberal age.

This paper presents a resonance-based reinterpretation of the Burney Relief, a high-relief terracotta plaque from the Old Babylonian period, long mischaracterized through fragmented mythology and institutional taxonomy. We propose that the central figure, often labeled a goddess or demon, is, in truth, a sovereign resonance seal: a cosmological interface encoding the physics of memory, symbolic asymmetry, and the passage of soul between realms.

Applying a Tier 0–5 symbolic resonance framework, we analyze her physical form not as iconography, but as infrastructure. Her dual-body posture, complete on one side, fractured on the other, mirrors the cosmic split between remembrance and forgetting. In her right hand, she holds a fully realized Axis-Eye: a resonance instrument predating the Ankh, Shen, and Was. In her left, its faded echo. Her navel, wings, talons, and gaze align not with divinity as ornament, but with function, as architectural calibration for cosmic return.

This work reframes the Burney figure not as an object of worship, but as a map of alignment. Her beauty is not symbolic, it is structural. She does not wear the Eye. She enters it. She does not gesture. She holds. Through her form, the memory of coherence is not only preserved—it is reactivated.

El comienzo del capítulo veintitrés de la Poética ofrece una serie de dificultades. Los editores modernos suelen preferir a las lecturas que ofrecen los manuscritos, por otra parte divergentes entre sí, un texto basado en la conjetura. En lo que respecta a tradición textual y ediciones hay que decir en primer lugar que poseemos cuatro fuentes autónomas del texto aristotélico: el Parisinus Graecus 1741, el Riccardianus 46, la traducción medieval latina de la Poética y una traducción árabe hecha a su vez sobre una traducción al siríaco. 1) El Parisinus Graecus 1741, llamado A por los editores, fue copiado posiblemente hacia el siglo x u xi. Se trata del mejor y más antiguo de los manuscritos griegos de la Poética; ofrece un texto de buena tradición en el que los errores son los ligeros descuidos corrientes. Su valor fue reconocido en el siglo xix y durante mucho tiempo gozó de una autoridad indiscutida. Hoy día su posición no es ya de preeminencia absoluta, pero se le sigue concediendo prioridad frente a otras fuentes. 2) A finales del siglo xix se vio que el Riccardianus 46, B o R para los editores, representa una tradición indepen-

Readers of history judge historians for what they say. But what about historians' silences, what they have left unsaid? Giving attention to this dimension of an historian's writing can pay rich dividends. By looking at specific omissions we may gain understanding about what historians wanted us to believe, how they attempted to manipulate their readers, and how they arranged their narratives to achieve their objectives. In this chapter, I pursue this line of inquiry concerning the history of the Greek historian Polybius. As a political hostage at Rome, Polybius necessarily offered a foreigner's perspective on Roman imperial power. Despite his well-deserved reputation as an ancient historian of the first order 1 , several bewildering aspects of his treatment of Rome, especially in the sixth book, have not received the careful attention they deserve: 1) Polybius ignores the significance of allied forces in the Roman army in Book 6; 2) he presents a simplistic picture of a monolithic Senate united in its foreign policy decisions during the Hannibalic war; 3) he is silent on political disturbances in Rome surrounding the levy of military recruits at the midpoint of the second century BCE; and 4) he misrepresents Roman elites' religious practices. No one, to the best of my knowledge, has ever considered these suppressions, inconsistences, distortions, and silences together as evidence for the historian's politically motivated narrative strategies. In general terms, Polybius' historiographical solution to the problem of Roman hegemony for Greek political elites was one of blending-that is to say, the cultural assimilation

This paper argues four main points: 1) Polybius does not dwell on horrors of war, the insane chaos and unpredictable nature of battle, and terrifying experiences of rank-and-file soldiers in combat.  2) Warfare primarily interests him as a rational, chess-board affair, showcasing skills or weaknesses of power elites serving as field commanders.  3) While non-Greeks, such as Hannibal and Scipio Africanus, are masters of command, military science in Polybius’ narrative is mainly the preserve of Greeks, and he stresses that outnumbered possessors of Greek λογισμός have overcome vast numbers of mindless and impulsive barbarian hordes.  Romans, as honorary Greeks, can continue to do so if they will follow Polybius’ precepts. And (4), as intrusive, editorializing, first-person narrator, Polybius qua military scientist (we should remember that he wrote a lost Tactica), emerges as educator and advisor for elite Roman field generals who will read his history.

This is a draft of a paper now accepted by Hesperia in which Tyler Leblanc (a PhD student at McMaster) and I argue that Butera and Sears (Hesperia 2017) were correct to locate the Battle of Philippi at the eastern end of the plains of Philippi.  We bring into the conversation a letter of M. Antony that describes the battle location. We also note the letter refers to the affects of a volcanic event in the Aleutians in 42 BCE.  We argue that Appians reference to a gold mine near the battle line is likely the Hapte Hyle mines mentioned in several ancient sources.

ser una aportación de gran erudición desde su misma concepción, cubriendo un vacío académico no tan evidente de los estudios helenísticos en general y de Filipo V en particular. El trabajo no pretende ser un estudio biográfico sobre el monarca, sino "to question our historical understanding of Philip V" (p. 1). Este cuestionamiento es efectuado siguiendo un orden cronológico, abordando la representación de Filipo V en las Ἱστορίαι por medio de la propuesta política, metodológica, estilística e historiográfica de Polibio. El primer capítulo, "Constructing Macedon and the World Through an Achean Perspective", desarrolla cómo Polibio impone una visión Aquea en la escritura de los asuntos de Macedonia y sus reyes. El vínculo de Polibio con la Liga Aquea y su líder, Arato de Sición, habilita comprender "how Polybius constructed his image of the Achaean leader and how his political bias affected the interpretation of events" (p. 38). Las argumentaciones de Nicholson sobre el enfoque sesgado de Polibio son minuciosas y bien construidas. Una argumentación que evidencia por qué durante los primeros años del reinado de Filipo V (221-218 a.C.), mientras Arato y el orbe aqueo influyeron sobre el monarca, la opinión de Polibio fue tan abiertamente positiva hacia el rey macedonio.

A myth of antiquity is explained with modern science in the context of an ancient naval battle. A legend was invoked by the admiral Pliny the Elder to explain the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra against Octavian at the naval battle of Actium. A fish, called echeneis or remora, is said to have the power to stop ships or to delay their motion by adhering to the hull. Naturalists have since studied how the fish sucking-disk with its typical pattern of parallel striae sticks to its host. Here we show the pattern of the free surface measured in a towing tank in the wake of an ancient galley is similar to the striae pattern of the fish. We have measured the bathymetry at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf that influenced the physical environment of the battle. The computations demonstrate the increase of wave resistance of a galley as a function of the draft to the water depth ratio in shallow water corresponding to the appearance of a particular wake pattern: the echeneidian free surface pat...

Although Julian, the last pagan Roman Emperor, also known as ‘the Apostate’, spent only a maximum of eight months in Athens, probably from April to November 355, these months marked a very significant period of his life. In this paper I sketch out the real significance that Athens
had for Julian’s biography. Then I discuss some passages where he mentioned Athens or the Athenians and ask which image of the city and its people he wanted to evoke and for what reasons.

Titel der Masterarbeit / Title of the Master's Thesis "Der Mann, der Rom den Untergang brachte. TV-Dokumentationen als Wissensvermittlung am Beispiel des Kaisers Commodus" verfasst von / submitted by Katharina Mölk BA angestrebter akademischer Grad / in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Wien, 2018 / Vienna 2018 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt / degree programme code as it appears on the student record sheet: A 066 807 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt / degree programme as it appears on the student record sheet:

This note re-examines the strange dealings between Aššur-bāni-apli, the last great king of Assyria, and a Chaldean called Bēl-ēṭir who can be demonstrated to have been his personal friend. Most remarkably, collation of a recently published letter from Bēl-ēṭir to Aššur-bāni-apli evidences what must be a cruel nickname for the latter's brother, the rebellious king of Babylonia Šamaš-šuma-ukīn: pagar šīri, literally ‘body/corpse of flesh’ - either Šamaš-šuma-ukīn was corpulent, or due to become a corpse, i.e. a 'dead man walking'.

There is nothing specifically Sabine in the name of Appius Claudius and its archaic or local version Attius Clausus. The Claudii could claim Sabine origin due to their estates and clientele beyond the Anio. The agnomen Regillensis shows the link of the gens Claudia with Lake Regillus in the vicinity of Tusculum. Behind the traditional story of the Claudian migration from the Sabine country lies an earlier version of their arrival from a Latin town allegorically called ‘Regillum’.

, pp. 7-60 © dell'autore -Distribuito in formato digitale da "Reti Medievali"]. In altri tempi il vassallaggio era considerato un aspetto importante, quando non decisivo, dell'età di Carlo Magno. La prima Settimana del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo, tenuta a Spoleto nel 1953 e dedicata a I problemi della civiltà carolingia, s'era aperta con un'amplissima relazione di François-Louis Ganshof sull'origine dei rapporti feudo-vassallatici nella monarchia franca; seguivano Claudio Sànchez-Albornoz, sul feudalesimo carolingio in Spagna, e Pier Silverio Leicht sul feudo in Italia. Queste tre lezioni, affidate ad alcuni fra i più prestigiosi medievisti viventi, e la successiva discussione occupavano interamente le prime due giornate della Settimana, e riempiono quasi metà del volume degli Atti 1 . Questa preponderanza del tema feudale nella valutazione dell'età carolingia sopravvive, oggi, soltanto nei manuali scolastici; nella ricerca prevalgono invece l'imbarazzo e il silenzio. Già nel 1979 la ventisettesima Settimana spoletina, dal titolo ambizioso Nascita dell'Europa ed Europa carolingia: un'equazione da verificare, non prevedeva alcuna lezione dedicata al feudalesimo, né mai menzionava vassallaggio e beneficio nei titoli delle relazioni; quel ch'è ancora più stupefacente, neppure un anno fa la quarantasettesima Settimana, espressamente dedicata a Il feudalesimo nell'Alto Medioevo, si apriva, dopo la prolusione a carattere generale di Chris Wickham, con la lezione di Michel Bur sul feudalesimo nel regno dei Franchi Occidentali, e quella, speculare, di H.-W. Goetz sul regno dei Franchi Orientali. In altre parole, la ricognizione prendeva le mosse dalla fine dell'età carolingia, per poi procedere rapidamente al X e XI secolo, che occupavano la grande maggioranza degli interventi; come se il periodo da Carlo Martello a Ludovico il Pio fosse considerato irrilevante per un'analisi del feudalesimo. All'origine d'un tale disagio c'è, naturalmente, l'impossibilità di accontentarsi, oggi, delle grandi sintesi d'impianto descrittivo e giuridico, dovute al Mitteis e soprattutto al Ganshof, che hanno dominato la scena per mezzo secolo, ma che appaiono sempre più come il prodotto di una stagione storiografica ormai molto lontana, senza che sia facile pensare di sostituirle 2 . Ma c'è anche la difficoltà di utilizzare appieno per l'analisi del momento carolingio altre e ancor più fortunate sintesi, come quelle di Marc Bloch e poi di Robert Boutruche, che da quell'età prendono soltanto le mosse: per descrivere, non senza un sospetto di finalismo, un vassallaggio progressivamente emergente da una gamma assai più ampia e indistinta di relazioni clientelari, fino a raggiungere una sua forma compiuta, o classica, nei secoli seguenti 3 . E' indicativo di questa difficoltà il fatto che il libro più discusso dell'ultimo decennio, sul tema del feudalesimo, sia stato quello radicalmente revisionista di Susan Reynolds: che pur introducendo nel dibattito una robusta dose di buon senso anglosassone s'ispira a un negazionismo spinto all'eccesso, finendo per confondere le acque più che per chiarirle 4 . Non per nulla il punto di

This paper examines the relationship between Plato's Politeia (commonly known as the Republic) and his three journeys to Sicily, offering a reinterpretation through the lens of Platonomy-the understanding that the Politeia is primarily concerned with internal self-governance rather than external political arrangements. Contrary to the traditional view that Plato's Sicilian failures represent a refutation of the Republic's political theory, this analysis demonstrates that these experiences actually validate the dialogue's deeper psychological insights. By examining the chronology of Plato's writings, specific textual evidence from the Republic, and his later works, this paper argues that Plato maintained his commitment to the primacy of internal constitution throughout his philosophical career, even as he addressed more practical political concerns in his later dialogues.

This study examines how the experience of time is articulated in West Semitic royal inscriptions from the Iron Age Levant. To do so, I examine two temporal indices or scaffolds on which the broader architecture of temporal experience is constructed within this corpus. The first is what I term dynastic time, a perspective organized around a ruler's life and lineage that governs how past, present, and future are conceived within these writings. The second is the time attributed to material remains, or how these inscriptions account for the age of ruins and the dilapidated structures that are often referred to within them. What is historically meaningful about these descriptions and their attendant references, I argue, is a specific reckoning with the flow of time, where we are offered insights into how these writings apprehend a sense of temporal duration. When compared to royal inscriptions commissioned by contemporaneous Assyrian and Babylonian rulers, what appears in the West Semitic corpus, I contend further, is a reduced temporal framework whose retrospective and prospective visions rarely exceed a generation and, at most, extend roughly a century into the past or future. This investigation then concludes by examining what historical factors may have shaped this distinct sense of time conveyed in the West Semitic tradition of royal inscriptions.

In this paper, I contextualize the engagement of Christian intellectuals with the Roman Empire’s medical marketplace in the second century, focusing on Justin Martyr, Tatian, and pseudo-Justin’s On the Resurrection. I show that Justin, Tatian, and pseudo-Justin attempted to derive authority from displays of medical and philosophical expertise regarding bodily and mental health. Justin’s limited interests in bodily health and medicine were driven by his interest in presenting Christians as philosophers who faced death without fear, a goal that aligned him more closely with his philosophical contemporaries. Tatian and pseudo-Justin, in contrast, launched challenges against the authority of physicians, presenting an ascetic form of regimen as a superior Christian method of achieving excellent bodily and mental health.

Articolo di critica sul lavoro di Arthur M. Eckstein "Rome Enters the Greek East: From Anarchy to Hierarchy in the Hellenistic Mediterranean, 230–170 bc", incentrato sull'analisi degli scritti di Polibio e sull'applicazione delle attuali dottrine politiche dei sistemi apolari, bipolari ed egemonici al contesto dell'intervento romano nelle contese tra Egitto, Siria e Macedonia nel corso del II secolo a.C.

La presente contribución pretende ofrecer al lector una visión panóptica de la que quizá sea la figura más destacada de la Historia de Roma. Para ello, además de presentar textos que arrojan luz sobre algún aspecto de su vida (como los propios Commentarii de César, las noticias dadas por amigos y compañeros de batalla y otras figuras de renombre contemporáneas o no a él, como la correspondencia de Cicerón y pasajes de Tito Livio, Estrabón, Veleyo Patérculo o Nicolás de Damasco), este ensayo recurrirá a las biografías de Plutarco y Suetonio para plantear un retrato de Julio César lo más completo posible. Para ello, se comenzará por el hombre mismo, analizando su ascendencia, su tria nomina, su prosopografía, anécdotas y aspectos de su vida privada. Luego, como continuación de este primer análisis, se estudiará su figura en el mundo político, desde donde, además de ganarse amigos y adversarios, se abrió camino a través de hazañas que, a pesar de ser consideradas arriesgadas y temerarias, lo llevaron a celebrar hasta cinco triunfos en su carrera militar. Este estudio culmina con un breve repaso a su corpus literario, desde sus primeras composiciones en su infancia y juventud hasta la redacción de sus famosos Commentarii. Este trabajo, por tanto, sirve como carta de presentación del personaje de Julio César para un público general y no solo académico.

Warning: This document contains information that some readers may find offensive or disturbing.

Evidence from a criminal enquiry into the Black Hand (Cosa Nostra Terror Group).

The investigator reports the organisation's stated covert influence upon many states, with this information received from a Black Hand informant in Sawbridgeworth, Hertfordshire, England on the 21st of April 2025 at 13:16 (BST).

Just as with all information received from a police, or other, informant, one must dig deeper to find out how much of the information proves to be factual.

CEL (Capstone Estates Limited), and its investigator, accept no responsibility for the truthfulness, or otherwise, of the information provided, or any offence that may result from its publication.

Source: Black Hand informant.

This paper reexamines the foundational myths of Rome through the lens of sexual violence in Book 1 of Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita. It argues that the rapes of Rhea Silvia, the Sabine women, and Lucretia are not incidental episodes, but narrative and ideological cornerstones through which Livy encodes Roman identity, legitimacy, and continuity. Written under Augustus, Livy’s account participates in the regime’s ideological project by mythologizing rape as a prerequisite for political transformation—divinely sanctioned, morally aestheticized, and structurally central. The paper traces how Livy’s euphemisms, silences, and narrative framing transform gendered violence into a tool of civic instruction, reflecting the Augustan state’s paradoxical embrace of moral reform through domination. It concludes that in Livy’s historiography, the violated woman becomes the symbolic vessel of Roman renewal—exalted not in spite of her erasure, but because of it.

Il saggio analizza il caso di Catilina come esempio storico dell’uso politico della giustizia, mettendo a confronto le dinamiche della Roma repubblicana con quelle dell’Italia contemporanea. Attraverso una rilettura critica delle fonti classiche, da Cicerone a Sallustio, l'autore mostra come l’accusa di cospirazione fu funzionale al potere e non necessariamente fondata. La vicenda diventa il paradigma del lawfare, l’impiego strumentale della giustizia per eliminare avversari politici. I paralleli con l’attualità italiana sono espliciti: fughe di notizie, indagini mediatiche e processi usati per condizionare la vita pubblica. Il saggio invita a riflettere sui pericoli di una giustizia asservita al potere e ribadisce l’importanza di garantire sempre il giusto processo, anche nei confronti dei nemici politici.

De l'exil àl ' errance, la mesurec ommune est la racine, qui en l'occurrence fait défaut.C'est par là qu'il faut commencer EdouardG lissant, Poétiqued el aR elation 2 Bloch 1993: 56: 'Àquelque activité humaine que son étude s'attache, la même erreur guettetoujours l'interprète: de confondreu ne filiation avec une explication.'

Para el filólogo clásico y el estudioso de la historia antigua, Tucídides ha sido, desde siempre, un escritor de primera magnitud. El primero se ha sentido atraído desde antiguo por la peculiar lengua y estructura literaria de la historia tucididea. Por su parte, los historiadores han tenido en Tucídides la principal fuente, cuando no la única, para una etapa crucial en la historia de Grecia. En verdad esto es algo que viene sucediendo ininterrumpidamente desde la época helenística y romana. Nuestro siglo ha leído con especial fruición al historiador de la guerra del Peloponeso, queriendo ver, en las líneas esenciales de su obra, alguna luz para comprender numerosos hechos económicos, políticos y bélicos, especialmente tras las dos terribles guerras mundiales. Tucídides, es cierto, continúa siendo un clásico, es decir, un modelo estudiado y leído con interés desde los más diversos ángulos y enfoques. El gusto por su obra aumenta de día en día. Los especialistas atienden no sólo a lo que dijo, sino también a cómo lo expresó; a su calidad como historiador plenamente consciente del momento que le tocó en suerte vivir; a su completa dedicación a escribir la mayor guerra que hasta entonces se había conocido, objetivo en aras del cual renunció a muchos detalles marginales o secundarios. Nuestro propósito es ofrecer un panorama actual sobre los estudios en torno a Tucídides, procurando referirnos a los principales aspectos de forma y contenido. Nos limitamos a lo publicado en los ultimos cuatro lustros, concretamente desde 1967. Efectivamente, en estos años han aparecido numerosos estudios, algunos de ellos excelentes, que han • En marzo de ¡986 se elaboró y entregó este trabajo, como homenaje al profesor 5. Montero flíaz.

Israelite Worship and the Surrounding Culture Introduction to the Book "A Brief History of Yahweh"
The kingdoms of Israel and Judah were by no means isolated from the cultures of neighboring peoples, including in the sphere of worship. This cultural permeability is, in fact, confirmed by the biblical texts themselves. It is therefore understandable that the divinity is presented in various-sometimes even contradictory-ways. This diversity is explained by the gradual composition of the Bible, written at different times by multiple authors. The present work undertakes a thorough analysis of the representation of the divine in biblical texts. It highlights the variability of the identity of the god "Yahweh" across different writings, exploring the political contexts that shaped this evolution. The study demonstrates that theology, philosophy, society, and politics are intrinsically linked, and that events relating to the worship of Yahweh are closely connected to the composition and redaction of the Hebrew Bible.It is no coincidence that this study opens with an examination of the major events of the monarchy of Judah, particularly during the reign of King Josiah, under the influence of his scribe, Shaphan son of Azaliah. The starting point for the transformation of Judean worship is identified in the discovery—during the restoration of the Jerusalem Temple—of a book that this study interprets as Deuteronomy. This research introduces a novel perspective by granting central importance to the figure of Shaphan, his lineage, his connection to the priestly tradition of the Shiloh priesthood in the Kingdom of Israel, and his role in formulating the reformist principles of Deuteronomy. The scribes behind this text also compiled oral traditions and preexisting writings, reorganizing them according to their own theological and ideological criteria. This reform exerted a decisive influence on the final version of the biblical texts, extending far beyond its immediate historical context

Filosofia e poesia possuem uma forte relação de proximidade. A pergunta pelo Ser as une há muitos séculos. Os primeiros poetas do mundo helênico, os chamados dedos, cantavam, sob a inspiração das musas, versos que ecoavam o cerne do pensamento filosófico. Hesíodo, em sua Teogonia, escreve que “bem primeiro nasceu Caos”. Mais do que um deus grego, a palavra khaos, em seu sentido originário, significa “abertura”, “espaço vazio”, “abismo”. Mas se kháas é o primeiro a nascer, a partir de onde ou no que se dá a “abertura”? O “vazio” se entenderia pelo “espaço” ainda inexistente? O quão profundo seria esse “abismo”? A poética filosófica, através da abordagem do sentir, estimula reflexões sobre a vida, a morte, a beleza e a própria existência. Nessa direção, reunindo ensaios filosóficos, prosas poéticas e poesias de diversos autores, a coletânea Filosofia com Poesia instiga a leitora e o leitor a questionar, refletir e, até mesmo, “filosofar” sobre essas temáticas, e a dizerem a si mesmos, como disse Brás Cubas pela pena de Machado de Assis: “eu deixo-me estar entre o poeta e o sábio”. De forma distinta e sublime, a obra Filosofia com Poesia entrelaça esses dois mundos.

Resumo: Através de levantamento bibliográfico, verificamos a prática recorrente de se alinhar a historiografia helênica à construção de um mundo ocidental, a qual está atrelada a perspectiva de uma História científica. Entretanto, quando analisamos os escritos de Xenofonte, verificamos que não existe uma fronteira clara, e bem demarcada, entre o que é historiografia e o que não o é. Para tanto, mobilizamos o conceito de passado prático, em conformidade aos estudos de Hayden White, para analisarmos a historiografia de Xenofonte pelo viés da utilidade políade, ou seja, o que este autor almejava era desenvolver textos que, ao serem difundidos junto ao seu destinatário ideal, teriam viabilidade prática junto às comunidades helênicas que, no século IV, viviam em um cenário constante de conflito.

The text deals with the origin of several toponyms in Western Macedonia, based on field data indicating that certain ritual practices for the spring celebration of Saint George are associated with the toponyms. Tracing the beliefs and practices of Gjurgjovden allows for a deeper interpretation of the toponymic material, with the naming of these places rooted in the Christian saint George and his non-Christian, Slavic counterparts.

Les Passions — H. IBRAHIM
1. 2. La Passion arabe de Jacques le Perse.  Status quæstionis 
2.a.  La rédaction «gréco-syriaque» (A)
2.b. La rédaction copto-arabe de Fākiyūs (C)
2.c.  Récit sur l’origine de l’église Saint-Jacques  près de Bahnasā 
3.  La rédaction «gréco-syriaque» (A)
3.a.  La recension «ancienne» (1a)
3.b.  La recension de Yūḥannā ʿAbd al-Masīḥ (1b)
3.c.  D’autres familles de mss liées à la recension «ancienne»
3.d.  La recension «syriaque» (rec. 2)
3.e.  Recension garšūnī (rec. 3)
4. La rédaction «sinaïtique» (B)
5. Rédaction attribuée à Fākiyūs, évêque de Yūsiyūs (C)
6. Récit sur l’origine de l’église Saint-Jacques près de Bahnasā 
7. Ratio edendi
8. Aperçu récapitulatif 
Éditions et traductions 
Recension «ancienne» (1a)
Recension attribuée à Fākiyūs, évêque de Yūsiyūs (C) 
Récit sur l’origine de l’église Saint-Jacques près de Bahnasā (D)

Legendary accounts of Rome’s early history are marked by tales of violence between family members. The well-known episodes do not, however, relate to domestic violence as currently understood; rather (where they are not palace intrigue), they are public acts, and are judged in that light. While revelatory neither of the realities of life in the archaic community nor the violence that occurred within the Roman domus, their importance lies in the manner in which the stories were received, revised, and retailed in later eras—and the judgements both implicit and explicit that attached to them. Two themes in particular emerge: the extent to which the public interest (identified with Rome’s inexorable advance) is set at higher value than the pietas and officia associated with the family; and the concomitant heroization of the perpetrators. Finally, the paper highlights an act of domestic violence associated with Rome’s genesis.

Der historische Roman hat sich gemäß der Auskunft der Lexika und Lehrbücher erst im Lauf des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts als Konzept und damit als literarische Gattung etabliert.1 De��niert wird er als "Untergattung des Romans, in der authentische historische Ereignisse, Orte, Personen und Verhältnisse in unterschiedlichen Graden der Fiktionalisierung" -in der Regel aus der Perspektive eines ‚mittleren Helden' -"erzählerisch gestaltet werden".2 Walter Scotts Waverley (1814) und Ivanhoe (1820) gelten als Prototypen dieser neuen Gattung.3 Auch Gustave Flauberts Salammbô wird in den Handbüchern als historischer Roman aufgeführt.4 Doch wurde dem Text bereits von den zeitgenössischen Kritikern vorgeworfen, dass er im Vergleich mit dem ‚ Walter Scott-Typus' den romanhaft-poetischen Elementen weitaus mehr Raum gebe als den historischen.5 Auch in der neueren Forschungsliteratur zum historischen Roman wird Salammbô eine dezidierte Anti-Scott-Konzeption attestiert, nun verbunden mit dem Verdikt der "ästhetischen Negation der Geschichte" oder ihrer "Entseelung und Enthumanisierung" und "Privatisierung".6

This study explores the evolution and historiographical significance of the Greek term τὰ καθόλου (ta katholou), focusing particularly on its development from Aristotelian philosophy to Polybius’ conception of universal history. Through a philological and contextual analysis, the article reveals how Polybius redefined historical writing by adopting a holistic narrative approach — one that offers a comprehensive, interconnected view of events. This approach, rooted in Aristotelian thought, emphasizes history’s capacity to be not only collective and systematic, but also intellectually and practically useful for all audiences.

The World Humanities Report is a project of the Consortium of Humanities Centers and Institutes (CHCI), in collaboration with the International Council for Philosophy and the Human Science (CIPSH). The views expressed in the contributions to the World Humanities Report are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the editors, scientific committee, or staff of CHCI. The World Humanities Report gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.

Significantly is it, that Manetho was the same personage as the Manu, who although associated with the Hindus, was what is called a world-office, the protector of a particular Root-race.

Manetho, a high priest of Egypt, introduced Egyptian mythology and history to the Greek world through his translations. He referenced sacred books written by Hermes Trismegistus, the second Hermes, which were translated from an ancient language after a flood. These books, preserved in hieroglyphs, were a source of wisdom for Manetho and his contemporaries.

The authenticity of Manetho’s Sothis is challenged by arguments claiming the term “venerable” was not used before Roman emperors, Egypt lacked knowledge of a flood, and the concept of a Seriadic land was absent. However, these claims are refuted by evidence of the term’s use for divine kings, the preservation of flood records, and the significance of Sirius in Egyptian astronomy and mythology. The Seriadic monuments, often misinterpreted as “Columns of Hermes,” were instrumental in preserving ancient knowledge, including the Sothiac cycle.

The author defends the authenticity of Manetho’s Sothis, arguing that the term “Trismegistus” was not a late invention but has roots in ancient Egyptian language and culture. The author contends that the term “Trismegistus” is a natural evolution of the Egyptian title for Hermes, “Great-and-Great,” and that its use in Greek literature, such as Martial’s epigram, demonstrates its widespread recognition. The author concludes that the earliest extant trace of the term “Trismegistus” dates back to the first half of the third century B.C.

Les dérivés d'anthroponymes sont fréquemment utilisés dans la littérature latine pour évoquer les possessions ou les affaires relatives à un personnage. On observe cependant une utilisation plus spécifique de ces termes lorsque le propos est de nature politique : le dérivé est alors surchargé de connotations, péjoratives dans la majorité des cas. Les personnages dont le nom est dérivé sont non seulement les grands imperatores de la crise de la République -Marius et Sylla, César et Pompée -, mais aussi ceux dont l'action a contribué aux troubles civils : Cinna, Sertorius ou Clodius par exemple. Un dérivé d'anthroponyme apparaît lorsque l'action d'un personnage est jugée problématique. Le présent article étudie l'évolution de ce phénomène dans la littérature latine à la fin de la République romaine et au début du Principat. Dérivés d'anthroponymes, onomastique, Cicéron, César, Velléius Paterculus Adjectival derivatives are frequently used in Latin literature to evoke possession or affairs relating to a character, but we observe a more specific use of these terms when the subject is of a political nature: the derivative is then overloaded with connotations, pejorative in the majority of cases. Thus, the derived names are those of the imperatores of the crisis of the Republic -Marius and Sylla; Caesar and Pompey -and more generally people whose actions contributed to civil unrest: Cinna, Sertorius or Clodius for example. We thus see that an anthroponym derivative appears when the action of a character is considered problematic. This article studies the evolution of this phenomenon in the Latin literature of the end of the Roman Republic and the beginning of the Principate. Anthroponym derivatives, onomastic, Cicero, Caesar, Velleius Paterculus Dans une lettre à Lucilius, Sénèque livre quelques pensées sur Caton d'Utique : 1 . * Je remercie vivement Jacques Alexandropoulos, Bertrand Augier, Gilles van Heems et Stéphane Lamouille pour leur relecture et leurs conseils, ainsi que les rapporteurs anonymes pour leurs suggestions. 1. Sen., Ep., 95, 70 : « Nul, à vrai dire, ne pouvait s'avancer plus fièrement que l'homme qui se dresse tout à la fois contre César et contre Pompée et, quand tous caressaient l'une ou l'autre faction, défia les deux chefs, et fit voir que la République elle aussi avait son parti. » Sauf indication L'utilisation des dérivés d'anthroponymes dans les années 70 : le souvenir du Sullanum tempus Dans la Seconde action contre Verres, Cicéron a recours à onze dérivés d'anthroponymes. On peut d'abord repérer la référence à l'édit d'un certain Annius sur les héritages : in illo capite Anniano 51 . Cicéron utilise une formule similaire pour mentionner le sénatus-consulte de C. Sempronius Rufus au printemps 43 52 . Il s'agit des rares attesta-49. En juin 51, par exemple, M. Caelius Rufus fait mention de la syngrapha Sittiana à quatre reprises (Cic.,

Traditions et Réceptions de l'Antiquité Revue de l'équipe de recherche E.R.A.S.M.E. Université Toulouse-Jean Jaurès (UT2J) Anabases dispose d'un Comité de lecture international. Chaque article envoyé à la rédaction est soumis, une fois anonymisé, à l'expertise de deux spécialistes qui rendent un rapport écrit. Les deux rapports anonymisés sont transmis à l'auteur qui tient compte des observations en vue de la publication. Florence Bouchet (Université Toulouse-Jean Jaurès : Littérature médiévale) Pierre Vesperini (cnrs : Histoire et philosophie) Renaud Gagné (Université de Cambridge : Littérature et religion dans l'Antiquité grecque) Federico Santangelo (Newcastle University : Histoire du monde romain, histoire des études classiques) Charlotte Ribeyrol (Paris IV Sorbonne Université/Oxford : Littérature britannique du xix è siècle) Martina Treu (Univeristé IULM Milan : Litteratures anciennes, histoire du théâtre classique)

Traditions et Réceptions de l'Antiquité Revue de l'équipe de recherche E.R.A.S.M.E. Université Toulouse-Jean Jaurès (UT2J) Anabases dispose d'un Comité de lecture international. Chaque article envoyé à la rédaction est soumis, une fois anonymisé, à l'expertise de deux spécialistes qui rendent un rapport écrit. Les deux rapports anonymisés sont transmis à l'auteur qui tient compte des observations en vue de la publication. Comité scientifique Germaine Aujac (université Toulouse-Jean Jaurès : histoire de la géographie et des sciences antiques) Florence Bouchet (université Toulouse-Jean Jaurès : littérature médiévale) Hinnerk Bruhns (cnrs : histoire économique et sociale ancienne et contemporaine) Paulo Butti de Lima (université de Bari : historiographie et réception de l'Antiquité) Luciano Canfora (université de Bari : littérature et histoire anciennes, historiographie) Giovanna Ceserani (Stanford University : histoire intellectuelle et historiographie de la tradition classique) Temístocles Cezar (université de Porto Alegre : historiographie moderne) Serafina Cuomo (University of London, Birkbeck College : histoire des mathématiques et des sciences) Paul Demont (université de Paris Sorbonne : philologie grecque et héritage classique) Marie-Laurence Desclos (université de Grenoble II : philosophie de l'Antiquité) Olivier Devillers (université de Bordeaux 3 -Michel-de-Montaigne : littérature et historiographie latines) Andrea Giardina (Istituto italiano di scienze umane : histoire du monde romain et de ses réceptions) Ève Gran-Aymerich (aibl : histoire de l'archéologie et des transferts culturels) François Hartog (ehess : historiographie ancienne et moderne) Geneviève Hoffmann (université de Picardie : histoire des mondes grecs) Christian Jacob (cnrs/ehess : histoire comparée et épistémologie des savoirs) Suzanne Marchand (Louisiana State University : histoire du classicisme et de l'orientalisme) Wilfried Nippel (Humboldt Universität Berlin : histoire et historiographie de l'Antiquité) Sylvie Pittia (université de Paris I-Panthéon Sorbonne : histoire et historiographie du monde romain) Stéphane Ratti (université de Franche-Comté -Besançon : philologie et héritage latin) Comité de Rédaction

Between Myth and Historiography The historical narrative surrounding the figures of David and Solomon is based on a complex matrix of legends and popular traditions. Historiography, although relatively recent in the development of humanity, was initially expressed through various literary forms such as myth, poetry, hymns, elegies, proverbs, parables, riddles, and fables. When they began recounting the past of their civilizations, peoples often favoured a legendary and captivating storytelling style over the pursuit of rigorous objectivity. Thus, historical accounts carried a strong narrative quality designed to feed the imagination of listeners or readers.
While the primary goal may have been to transmit events of public interest, such as armed conflicts or natural disasters, this concern eventually led to the emergence of more objective historiography. Nonetheless, even in historically developed societies that chose to record their past, historical accounts often remained intertwined with national traditions, transforming chronicles into genuine narratives. In this context, it falls to the historian to assess the narrator’s temporal and geographical proximity to the events recounted, the nature of the sources used (oral or written), and the overall methodological rigor. In light of these considerations, it becomes possible to examine the degree of historicity in the narratives concerning what is commonly referred to as the “united monarchy” of Israel and Judah.

Cet article raconte comment, en changeant le contexte d’utilisation du diadème, en changeant sa signification, les Romains adopté ce symbole royal refusé par César en 44 et interdit depuis. En employant cet objet dans le sens d'une royauté conférée par le Princeps et non plus d'une royauté qu'il détiendrait, le diadème est devenu autre chose qu'un objet interdit : il relève d’un pouvoir sur la royauté elle-même.