Ancient History

This paper is a look at the concept of centrality as developed in the work of spatial theorist Henri Lefebvre, with particular attention to his discussions of ancient Rome. It considers where Lefebvre might be a useful guide and, more importantly, where his theories conflict with ancient testimony.

"Abstract :
This article presents a hypothetical Egyptian etymology for the Greek name of an Isieion of Koptos, mentioned on a bilingual stela (hieroglyphs and greek) from the corpus of Parthenios son of Paminis (Lyon inv. 1969-176): gr. Πιμμειῶμις < eg. “The estate of the sea road” (Pȝ-ʿ.wy-n-mj(.t)-ym) or, less probably, “That of the sea road” (Pȝ-n-mj(t)-ym). The road in question is certainly one of the two tracks linking the Red Sea to Koptos running through the Eastern Desert, the track of Myos Hormos by the Wadi Hammamat, or the track of Berenike.

Cet article présente une hypothèse d’étymologie égyptienne pour le nom grec d’un Isieion de Coptos mentionné sur une stèle bilingue (inscription en hiéroglyphes et en démotique) du corpus de Parthénios fils de Paminis (Lyon inv. 1969-176) : gr. Πιμμειῶμις < ég. « Le domaine de la route de la mer » (Pȝ-ʿ.wy-n-mj(.t)-ym) ou, moins probablement, « Celui de la route de la mer » (Pȝ-n-mj(t)-ym). La route en question est sans doute à identifier à l’une des deux pistes qui reliaient la mer Rouge à Coptos, à travers le désert Oriental, celle de Myos Hormos par le ouadi Hammâmât, ou celle de Bérénikè.

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Keywords :
Koptos – Isis – Isieion – Parthenios – Red Sea."

In December 2008, the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) has successfully completed its third installment on issues pertaining to Internet governance. The IGF promotes a multistakeholder environment, where protagonists engage in an extensive debate to discuss how the Internet should look in the future; with these discussions in place issues of cultural diversity and cultural relativism become more relevant than ever before.
However, culture is normally followed by zeal; zeal to preserve it and to adhere to its historical significance. This is like a Damocles sword, since tradition and its relative – custom – can potentially prohibit progress and pose threats to social structures; more precisely, in international environments, like the Internet, certain traditions can be mistakenly considered as more valuable and exhibited thereon as more ‘exclusive’ than others. This being the case, it is undeniable that custom not only will play a significant role in the governance of the Internet, but this role will, in turn, be able to determine the dynamics within its structure.
This paper discusses the influential role of custom and its effects within the society of Internet Governance; it then proceeds to discuss an interpretation of justice, which demonstrates the way custom might be enforced and imposed upon various subjects. Finally, this paper shows that these conflicting customs should not necessarily annihilate multiparticipatory governance structures, rather assist in their progress.

The object of this paper is an analysis of the issue of town planning during the first years of the Italian occupation of Libya. Based upon the archives of the presidency of the council of ministers in Rome and on local archives in Tripoli, the authors trace the rivalries between army engineers, civil engineers and the former ottoman municipality in the drawing of the first colonial masterplan of Tripoli.

Nearly every major philosophy, from Plato to Hegel and beyond, has argued that democracy is an inferior form of government, at best. Yet, virtually every contemporary political philosophy working today - whether in an analytic or postmodern tradition - endorses democracy in one variety or another. Should we conclude then that the traditional canon is meaningless for helping us theorize about a just state? In this paper, I will take up the criticisms and positive proposals of two such canonical figures in political philosophy: Plato and Hegel. At first glance, each is rather disdainful, if not outright hostile, to democracy. This is also how both have been represented traditionally. However, if we look behind the reasons for their rejection of (Athenian) democracy and the reasons behind their alternatives to democracy, I believe we can uncover a new theory of government that does two things. First, it maps onto the so-called Schumpeterian tradition of elite theories of democracy quite well. Second, perhaps surprisingly, it actually provides an improved justification for democratic government as we practice it today than rival theories of democracy. Thus, not only are Plato and Hegel not enemies of modern democratic thought after all, but each is actually quite useful for helping us develop democratic theory in a positive, not negative, manner.

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In this article Isabelle Buhre translates and interprets the Latin poems of the Dutch landlord Adriaan Wilhelm Bentinck (1616-1678). His position as a member of a defeated and repressed catholic minority in the new Republic made him a bitter man, but his complete lack of power permitted him to releive his feelings thoroughly.

The theme of this paper is to highlight problems in assessing long distance contact and exchange in the prehistory of Eurasia, from a materials science point of view and from the vantage point of material culture studies.  Much of our understanding of the development of civilizations rests on our understanding of contact between culture groups in prehistory. This is particularly so for inner Eurasia, and so it is of utmost interest to refine and revise our evidentiary interpretations of past contact and exchange between East and West. There are also basic problems, from differences and lacunae in chronometric data, to problems of access to site reports due to language barriers and/or publication delays, which challenge the development of models of culture contact and interchanges and the interpretation of archaeological data. This paper overviews current problems, suggesting practice towards their amelioration for future, internationally collaborative archaeologies of the regions later known as the Steppe and Silk Roads.

There are three major cultural uses of the hooligan concept that concern the discussion of Norman Manea’s last memoir-novel, referred to in the title of the present paper. Mircea Eliade used the term in reference to the amoral young generation that contributed to the Iron Guard activities in his novel The Hooligans (1935). Mihail Sebastian employed it in his composite pamphlet How I Became a Hooligan (1935), which answered Nae Ionescu’s anti-Semitic Preface to his novel For Two Thousand Years (1934). The self-ironic hooligan self-denomination referred to his scandalizing both the Romanian anti-Semites and the Romanian Jews in his honest, direct novel. Finally, Norman Manea took the term over, ironically too, but also as a post-modernist inter-textual reference to Sebastian’s case, in The Hooligan’s Return (2003), wherein the hooligan stands for the Jewish anti-Communist artist’s condition opposing the Romanian anti-Semitic Communist and post-Communist mainstream.
The social outsider and rebel status suggested by this Jewish-Romanian hoodlum condition dramatizes Manea’s triple minority group exilic allegiance: ethnically as a Jewish Transnistrian Holocaust victim of the Romanian nationalist Antonescu regime (1934 – 1945), politically as an anti-Communist inmate of the Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s (1952 – 1965) and Nicolae Ceausescu’s gulag (1967 – 1986), and artistically as an immigrant writer in danger of losing his native linguistic foothold in the multicultural United States of America (1987-to date). Back in Romania, for a brief reluctant visit (1997), he will have the opportunity to doubly confirm the foreigner condition of his now dual cultural hyphenation as a Romanian-Jewish-American artist

Κεντρικός στόχος του κειμένου αυτού είναι να μελετήσει την πορεία ομοιογενοποίησης των συστημάτων μεταβίβασης των αγαθών στις επόμενες γενεές. Ιδιαίτερο βάρος δίνεται στην περιγραφή των τυπολογικών χαρακτηριστικών των τριών παλαιότερων συστημάτων που παρατηρήθηκαν στον ελληνικό χώρο και στις δημο-οικονομικές εξελίξεις που προσδιόρισαν την πορεία ομοιογενοποίησης.

Il dibattito sul tema della continuità e discontinuità tra tardoantico ed altomedioevo è un argomento di discussione affermatosi da tempo, ma non certo esaurito, nella ricerca archeologica e storica medievale. L'origine dei paesaggi medievali , le trasformazioni delle città , i processi di metamorfosi dei manufatti e le implicazioni economiche , sono solo alcuni dei temi affrontati nell'ultimo ventennio di ricerca. Queste problematiche hanno fatto sì che la ricerca archeologica affinasse i propri strumenti di analisi attraverso un'osservazione sempre più attenta delle sequenze stratigrafiche sui cantieri, dei paesaggi fossilizzati nei survey ed, infine, dei resti della cultura materiale nelle analisi archeometriche. Il presente contributo intende accostarsi al dibattito per mezzo di quest'ultimo complesso di informazioni, ed il titolo indica chiaramente lo studio dei resti osteologici animali quale punto di partenza o lente di ingrandimento attraverso cui osservare il momento di passaggio tra il mondo tardoantico e quello altomedievale. Nell'ultimo convegno SAMI (SALVADORI 2003) era stato presentato un articolo in cui si proponevano alcuni spunti di riflessione scaturiti dalla composizione di campioni osteologici animali rinvenuti in siti rurali di età tardoantica. Le idee proposte avevano origine da un lato dal confronto sincronico tra campioni afferenti a contesti cronologicamente ben delineati (V-VI secolo), dall'altro da una comparazione diacronica con insediamenti di età medievale. Le conclusioni, tracciate in forma assai sintetica, costituiscono il terreno sul quale discutere il tema di questo contributo. Sulla scorta delle evidenze zoologiche emerse dai resti osteologici si ipotizzava la persistenza di un'economia agricola intensiva fino almeno agli inizi del VI secolo, oltre il limite proposto dagli storici (ANDREOLLI, MONTANARI 1985;) e recentemente ribadito, anche se in forme di crisi più o meno accentuate a seconda degli insediamenti, dai risultati di sistematiche ricerche archeologiche . In base alle evidenze documentarie, quindi, il sistema delle ville decade definitivamente già nel corso del V secolo, ed a questi si sostituisce un modello di azienda autosufficiente connotata da un'economia definita naturalizzata, cioè da un aumento consistente dell'incolto a scapito dei campi a produzione cerealicola. Sulla scorta dei dati archeologici, invece, nonostante il generale epilogo architettonico delle ville, in alcuni insediamenti si rinvengono indicatori di un persistere dell'economia di scambio . L'idea a suo tempo elaborata sulle evidenze osteologiche per cui il sistema agrario di derivazione romana, sembra essere proseguito per buona parte del VI secolo (sostanzialmente fino alla guerra greco-gotica) si basava sulla convergenza di una serie di dati derivati direttamente da diversi tipi di analisi archeozoologiche . Tali informazioni riguardano la distribuzione tassonomica, in particolare l'alta percentuale di resti osteologici bovini non riscontrata nei campioni altomedievali italiani, l'età di decesso generalmente adulta della specie bovina, la presenza tra questi animali di patologie derivate da stress da lavoro (principalmente Villa Clelia e Calvatone), la distribuzione dei sessi connotata, nei campioni più consistenti, da una preminenza di soggetti maschi o castrati, infine, l'osteometria. L'insieme di questi dati, quindi, suggeriva l'ipotesi di una presenza diffusa nelle zone rurali di specie bovine (distribuzione tassonomica), generalmente sfruttate come forza lavoro (patologie, osteometria, frequenza di castrati e maschi) e consumate quando il loro apporto produttivo decadeva (età adulta), in quanto essenziali ad un tipo di economia volta ad una produzione cerealicola intensiva. In definitiva i bovini assicuravano, con gli schiavi ed i contadini in affitto nelle aziende rurali in decadenza dell'aristocrazia romana, la forza lavoro

The distinction between the neolithic and the preceding epi-palaeolithic period is no longer based on changes in subsistence strategy and the adoption of sedentary village life but once more on formal differences in material culture, particularly the chipped stone industries. This essay is an attempt to explore something of the nature of the differences between the two periods at a level deeper than those formal differences. It seeks to define one of the important contributory steps taken in the period before the total adoption of cultivation and herding. The assumption made is that in any given area there is no perceptible difference in the subsistence strategies of the later epi-palaeolithic and earliest neolithic periods. Consequently, any significant difference should be sought in the cultural, social or behavioural aspects of these communities. It is the thesis of this essay that Qermez Dere, northern Iraq, shows important architectural developments taking place at the beginning of the neolithic period, about 8250-8000 bc, developments which signify important social changes. These changes, it is argued, are signified in the title of the essay, a change of view from the house as shelter, the centre of certain everyday activities, to the house as home, the centre of the family and the focus for the representation of appropriate symbolic values.

The presented study investigates the pathologically changed animal bones from medieval Emden,
Germany. Conditions are described, interpreted and compared with material from Ireland (a regional study including
several historical sites), Germany (early medieval Hedeby and its successor Schleswig) and The Netherlands (Roman
settlement Tiel-Passewaaij).

Keywords: Palaeopathology, spavin, traction, periodontal disease, animal bones, Emden.

Em um trecho dos livros dos Anais dedicados ao principado de Tibério, Tácito faz uma análise das mudanças morais da sociedade romana entre o período Júlio-Cláudio e a ascensão de Vespasiano, e propõe a seguinte explicação: "A não ser que talvez exista algum tipo de ciclo em todas as coisas, e assim como se sucedem as estações, também mudam os costumes." 2 Mas o que Tácito queria dizer com esse "ciclo dos costumes"? Existiria nos Anais talvez algum indício dele? Pensar uma possibilidade de ciclos na narrativa de Tácito, morais ou não, significa em maior escala tentar compreender sua visão de tempo, construída tanto empiricamente quanto como abstração teórica. É surpreendente notar que este é um assunto pouco explorado na vastíssima extensão da literatura especializada referente ao autor. Sir Ronald Syme, por exemplo, dedica a esta passagem pouco mais de um parágrafo, dentro das mais de oitocentas páginas de seu livro, parafraseando o conteúdo da mesma e adicionando um breve comentário 3 .

"Este artigo discute, num primeiro momento, o conceito de temporalidade e de suas definições e aplicações, bem como algumas contradições inerentes a ele. Como objetivo principal, busca atualizar a discussão sobre como entender o uso da temporalidade dentro do contexto da historiografia antiga, fazendo uma crítica às associações da historiografia greco-romana com a idéia de ciclo e de seu contraponto na historiografia judaico-cristã, com a linearidade. Por fim, sugerimos que é possível ler essas duas diversas formas de historiografia invertendo tais idéias entre elas, demonstrando que tal paradoxo nada mais é do que reflexo dos paradoxos gerais do conceito teórico de temporalidade.

This article presents, in the first place, a debate on the concepts, definitions and applications of temporality, as well as some of its innate contradictions. The main goal here is to update the discussion about how to understand temporality within the context of Ancient Historiography, reviewing the associations of Greek and Roman Historiography with the idea of cycle and of its counterpoint, Jewish-Christian Historiography with linearity. Lastly, we suggest that it is possible to read these two different forms of Historiography also by an inversion of their associated ideas, thereby demonstrating that this paradox is nothing more than a reflection of the general paradoxes within the concept of temporality itself. Keywords: Ancient Historiography, time, temporality, cycle, decadence."

Pretendemos neste trabalho ler a obra de Tito Lívio através de uma determinada proposta: a Ab Urbe Condita seria a história não apenas da fundação e do desenvolvimento de Roma, mas também, através das ferramentas de interpretação que o próprio Tito Lívio nos traz, das refundações literais e/ou simbólicas da cidade. Nessa visão, podemos dizer que há um elemento de circularidade da História Romana em Tito Lívio, que demonstra sua originalidade em retrabalhar a tradição para especificar seus objetivos na construção do caráter romano e da definição de romanidade. Essa proposta de interpretação tem sido adotada em trabalhos como os de Kraus e Serres (KRAUS, 1994 e SERRES, 1983), e pretendemos aqui fazer uma leitura que tem primeiramente como base esses estudos. Seguimos, contudo, um pouco mais além, pra identificar paralelismos entre as narrativas e construções das figuras de Rômulo e Camilo no Ab Urbe Condita com a posição de Augusto na obra de Tito Lívio. É possível entender estes três momentos como pontos onde a renovação, tanto física, da cidade de Roma, e simbólica, da romanidade, são cruciais para o 1 Doutoranda em História Social -FFLCH/USP jbastos@usp.br desenvolvimento e consolidação do poderio romano. É claro que existem riscos nessa leitura, dado que obviamente não temos os livros de Tito Lívio relativos ao período augustano, mas podemos inferir vários elementos úteis no relacionamento entre Tito Lívio e Augusto, tanto reconhecíveis no texto quanto indiretos e externos, para que seja possível pelo menos uma tentativa de interpretação. Um outro problema que devemos considerar para verificar paralelismos de renovação de Roma em Rômulo, Camilo e Augusto é o aparente desequilíbrio na leitura do texto de Tito Lívio, na medida em que avaliaremos para tanto apenas os livros 1 (Rômulo), 5-6 (Camilo) e teoricamente os livros contemporâneos ao autor, descartando assim uma grande parte dos 142 livros do Ab Urbe Condita. Mas, quanto a isto, também deve ser observado que há um valor especial na primeira década de Tito Lívio, pelo caráter inicial de construção dos elementos da romanidade que depois, no decurso da História Romana, apenas se reafirmam. Pois, tomemos como base os seguintes Enfim, viver, estar fisicamente em Roma, assim como estão os deuses, é a condição sine qua non para ser romano. Sendo assim, Camilo faz com que Roma não seja a nova Tróia caída, quebrando portanto o ciclo de destruição das cidades e tornando a herança se Tróia um modelo abstrato, não mais uma realidade concreta. A Tróia que no final acaba por triunfar sobre os gregos perpetua-se em Roma. Augusto, durante seu governo, é comumente associado a Rômulo, como um novo fundador da cidade. Suetônio relata que alguns senadores tinham mesmo sugerido a Otaviano a adoção oficial de "Rômulo" como título, mas o nome "Augusto" foi escolhido pelo seu aspecto religioso e de dignidade em relação a santuários e locais consagrados pelos áugures 13 . Mas os dois nomes ainda estão interligados, quando vemos que Augusto aparece como um segundo Rômulo no sentido de refundar os pilares religiosos que definiam a identidade própria dos romanos. Para isso, foram adotadas diversas medidas para a retomada de cultos antigos que haviam caído em desuso e também pela restauração e construção de templos para diversas divindades 14 . Augusto ainda pode ser visto como um novo Camilo, pois que a refundação da cidade passou com o último também pela reconquista militar frente a uma invasão. Se Camilo derrotou os gauleses, Augusto derrota na guerra civil as forças de Marco Antônio e Cleópatra, que tinham uma forte tendência orientalizante. Camilo ressalta, como vemos no discurso de Tito Lívio, as virtudes fundamentais que constroem o caráter dos romanos, e Augusto na verdade faz o mesmo, pelo fortalecimento desses mesmos elementos perante a orientalização do império ameaçada com Marco Antônio. Nesse sentido, é fácil entender como essa refundação de Roma por Augusto tomou um caráter conservador. Augusto procura, em todas as mudanças que realizaseja em nível urbanístico, institucional ou outros -, promover o reestabelecimento da res publica 15 tradicional, dos princípios do mos maiorum, os valores antigos. O contraponto se dá explicitamente com o estado de degeneração moral da guerra civil, onde os valores tradicionais estavam corrompidos e deturpados por atitudes "não-romanas", como a ambição pelo poder e o desrespeito pela coletividade. Como observa Eder: "His greatest political achievement consists in having promoted the development of a patriotism that combined the legacy of the Republic and his own accomplishment in preserving that legacy. The Republic lived on, because Augustus had summoned once more to the consciousness of the Romans the responsibility that was traditional to them and befit them alone, namely, the responsibility of ruling over the earth: Tu regere impeio populos Romane memento [Virgílio, Eneida, 6.851]" (EDER, 1990:87) Como vimos acima, é através da auctoritas, que remete a Rômulo, que Augusto irá impor suas reformas e legitimizá-las. O texto das suas Res Gestae é revelador nesse sentido, pois nele Augusto pretende demonstrar que seus feitos foram voltados nada mais do que para o bom funcionamento do Estado, e todo o seu poder foi conquistado e

Neste trabalho pretende-se analisar uma representação específica da cidade de Roma dentro da tradição historiográfica latina, que é o uso da imagem do Capitólio como símbolo do poder da Urbs, centro tanto físico como alegórico da capital. Em Tito Lívio, no livro I, os episódios que relatam a ocupação do Capitólio são importantes para a construção da imagem de Roma como cabeça do mundo - imperii caputque rerum. Sendo assim, o destino do Capitólio seria por extensão o destino do império. Tal representação aparece sob um paradoxo de inversão de valores em Tácito, nos Anais especialmente em Nero, e nas Histórias quando da destruição do Capitólio na guerra civil de 69 d.C., o que para ele representam o máximo ponto de decadência da moral romana.

This paper deals with a particular representation of Rome inside the tradition of Latin Historiography. Both Livy and Tacitus use the Capitoline Hill, being both the physical and allegorical center of the capital, as a symbol of the Urbs and its power. In Livy's Book I, the episodes mentioning the occupation of the Capitol are important as a means of constructing an image of Rome as world's head - imperii caputque rerum. Therefore, the destiny of the Capitoline Hill is representative of the whole Empire's future. This same image appears in Tacitus under the paradox of a reversal of values, with Nero in the Annals and with the destruction of the Capitol in the Histories, on thecivil war of 69 AD, episodes which mean for Tacitus the highest level of decadence of Roman morals in its history. Keywords: Livy, Tacitus, Capitoline Hill, Roman Historiography.

Using the ideas and terms developed by the psychologist Merlin Donald (1991, 2001), it is assumed that the human mind (as opposed to the physical brain) and human culture have co-evolved. Slowly at first, but with increasing rapidity, humans have increased their capacity for conscious processing, for communication, and for building culture as “a cognitive web, defining and constraining the parameters of memory, knowledge, and thought in its members, both as individuals and as a group” (Donald 2001, xiv). And a key factor in that co-evolution of mind and culture is the development of the facility to operate with symbols, in particular systems of symbolic representation. The hypothesis proposed in this paper is that some groups living in southwest Asia at the end of the Pleistocene period and the very beginning of the Holocene (in the archaeological terminology of the region, in the Epi-paleolithic and earliest Neolithic periods) made critically important advances in their symbolic employment of material culture. They began to use their built environment as a frame of symbolic reference, imbued with meaning and significance. For the first time in human history, they had devised means of embodying abstract concepts, beliefs and ideas about themselves and their world in externalised, permanent forms. By means of architecture, they constituted not only frameworks for the social life of the community and its constituent families or households but also “theatres of memory” in which the history of the community, its inhabitants and former inhabitants, and much else was recorded, retained and transmitted.

The version uploaded is not a pdf from the publication, but my Word .doc file that was submitted to the editors.

This paper argues that the two instances of the name Ila-kabkabi in the Assyrian King List (AKL) refer to two separate people. The majority of scholars follow the 'legitimisation' hypothesis and consider the two attestations as references to the father of Shamshi-Adad I. The argument follows that by placing his father's name in an early section of the AKL, Shamshi-Adad I attempted to legitimise his rule over Ashur. However, the evidence from Ashur and Mari does not support such a view. Further, the genealogy of the Neo-Assyrian king, Adad-nirari III, from Calah indicates that the Assyrian tradition did not consider the two instances of the name Ila-kabkabi in the AKL to refer to the same person. As a result of the proposed existence of two people named Ila-kabkabi in the AKL, I argue that the foundation of the 'legitimisation' hypothesis is undermined.

The Israeli nation building process, which took place at the beginning of the last century, aimed to re-create the Jewish nation by relocating it in the promised land in one hand, and by  establishing a new native Jew, on the other. This ideological theme was shared by national leaders and doctors as well, demanded of mothers to have a lot of children and to raise them according to specific rules and orders. Their ultimate end was to raise a new generation-"sound mind in a sound Body".
Doctors and national leaders praised birth and its national benefits, and glorified motherhood. But they were quiet worried because of the low birth rates in the urban and educated strata, and from the high birth rates of the poor and uneducated- both Jewish Immigrants and poor Arab residence of the country. The doctors wrote in Israeli women magazines of the 30's and 40s about an anti-reproduction social sentiment and about the fear from bearing children.
This social phenomenon was accompanied by vast usage of abortions. Abortions were illegal in the British Mandate period, unless for health reasons. “The medical reasons, as you all know, are highly subjective” wrote one of the doctors, Dr. Josef Meier, when he turned to his collages to try to stop the abortions. Another doctor wrote that Israeli women see abortions as a regular event, easier then extracting a tooth.
Using content analysis, articles from the Israeli women magazines  will be discussed in order to conceptualize the significance of abortions in the Israeli nation building Process.
The Abortion discourse will be discussed in yet another two periods. We will show that in this unique set of political and social circumstances, religious arguments from one side and feminist arguments from the other, made surprisingly little significance comparing their essential position in the contemporary abortion debate in Israel.

The infamous Piltdown hoax offers an excellent opportunity to study how a figure that straddled the human–animal boundary (both figuratively in its positioning as a “missing link,” and literally given its post-hoax status as a modern human skull and a modern orang-utan jaw) was made to fit dichotomous understandings of it. The process of making this figure human reveals how scientific claims in the disputed border zone between humans and non-human animals are shaped by the cultural themes upon which the division stands. Nationalism, race and species classification became enmeshed in the efforts to lead Piltdown from its liminal position to more conceptually stable ground. The result was a stretching of humanness, that brought Piltdown closer to us whilst modern-day “savages” were moved further away. The paper’s theoretical framework shifts Gieryn’s boundary-work model from an ontology of culture to an ontology of nature. Transplanting Gieryn’s model in this way is useful not only because of the parallels specifically between the science–culture and human–animal boundaries, but also as it serves as a reminder of the strong relationship between the categorization of the social and natural worlds.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. This content downloaded from 82.35.234.71 on Sat, 15 Aug 2015 10:16:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AD UNGUEM Armand J. D'Angour vos, o Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite, quod non multa dies et multa litura coercuit atque praesectum deciens non castigavit ad unguem. (Horace Ars Poetica 291-94) You, O Sons of Pompilius, condemn that poem which many a day and many an erasure has not pruned and whittled down and chastened tenfold to the nail. "Censure a poem," Brink paraphrases, "which has not been reduced to right proportions and (when it has been reduced) has not been tested to a nicety."1 Tested, that is, by its author, whose action Horace has been thought here to be likening to the way a sculptor examines a com? pleted work for flaws. Translations of the final line commonly expand the phrase ad unguem to specify such a connotation, often taking prae? sectum to qualify unguem as in "to meet the test of the well-pared nail."2 But Brink has advanced convincing arguments against the supposition that praesectum qualifies unguem? Moreover, praesectum is positioned for emphasis and followed directly by deciens: the words must elaborate the process described by the foregoing coercuit.4 Prae-1 Brink 1971, 324-25. 2Rudd 1979, 198. Fairclough (1929, 475) similarly renders "to the test of the closecut nail." adduces Plautus' use of praesegmina for "nail clippings" to suggest that praesectum "goes naturally with unguem" 3Brink 1971, 323-24: "It makes sense neither to the stonemason nor to the Latinist ... the mason needs [his nails] for testing a true join, if he tests it that way ... ad unguem, 'to a nicety,' accepts an attribute as uncommonly as in annos." Some manuscripts have perfectum instead of praesectum: while the lectio difficilior is rightly retained by editors, perfectum would clearly pick up earlier carmen rather than look forward to unguem. 4Deciens might be taken with praesectum or castigavit. However, terminal atque in Horatian hexameters tends to connect the first word of the following line closely to the preceding verse rather than initiating a completely new clause, as in

This paper presents a new interpretation of the zodiacs found in floor mosaics of Late Antique synagogues in Palestine. It will be suggested that the central figure of the circular zodiacs, traditionally interpreted as the sun-god Helios, is in fact a representation of the prophet Elijah ascending in his fiery chariot. The arguments in support of such a theory will draw upon both Jewish and Christian textual and archaeological evidence in an attempt to demonstrate how the subject and its method of portrayal was an expression of Jewish identity, deeply rooted in the cultural and religious contexts of Late Antique Palestine.

Cet ouvrage présente une approche originale des textes épigraphiques évoquant les guérisons miraculeuses en Grèce antique. L'union des connaissances d'une philologue spécialiste du grec ancien et d'un médecin paléopathologiste permet de mieux saisir la richesse de ce corpus. Chaque texte est suivi d'une traduction moderne et de commentaires lexicaux et médicaux qui nous plongent directement au cœur des pratiques curatives dans les grands sanctuaires de Grèce comme Epidaure ou Lébèna.
Thérapies divines ou humaines ? Grâce à un diagnostic rétrospectif fiable et pondéré des maladies décrites et grâce à l'étude des soins apportés aux patients qui venaient s'endormir dans les temples d'Asclépios, les auteurs démystifient souvent l'idée de guérisons spontanées par la seule intervention du dieu. Leurs recherches réfutent également les anciennes théories qui faisaient passer tous les malades pour des hypocondriaques ou des « hystériques ».
Intégrant systématiquement les données paléopathologiques les plus récentes, et en les comparant aux données épigraphiques et aux descriptions cliniques fournies par ce choix de textes, cet ensemble permet de reconstituer un tableau relativement fourni et objectif de l’état sanitaire de ces populations mais également des pratiques médico-chirurgicales contemporaines, dans une perspective prudemment synchronique.
Du IVe siècle av. J.-C. au IIIe siècle de notre ère, ce parcours dans des sources textuelles parfois peu exploitées jusqu'à présent est une petite contribution à la compréhension de l'histoire de la médecine, de la religion et de la société.

In this article, the authors reveal the symbolic role of cranes at Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Turkey. Worked bones of the Common Crane (Grus grus) are interpreted as coming from a spread wing used in dances, a ritual practice perhaps connected with the celebration of marriage.

This note contains information about job search for DPhil graduates. The first -and longest --part is devoted to the American job market, a large organized clearing house that meets once a year. The second part covers the European market. The emphasis is on academic and research jobs, although useful information is also provided on nonresearch jobs in the internet section. A list of Oxford resources appears at the end, as well as references to journal articles on the job market for economists and the ranking of various departments.