Greek Epigraphy

El catàleg com a forma literària té els seus primers testimonis en l'èpica grega arcaica, on, mitjançant la interrupció del curs de la narració dels esdeveniments, tot sovint s'insereixen llistes d'elements, cadascun dels quals pot ser complementat o ampliat amb descripcions o comentaris. Aquesta forma poètica pot compilar ítems de tota mena: naus, guerrers, trofeus, esdeveniments... i dones, com es veu a l'episodi de la Νέκυια de l'Odissea (11, vs. 225-332), un passatge que té paral•lels en la poesia d'Hesíode i sembla fer-se ressò d'una tradició oral anterior a la consolidació dels poemes homèrics. Aquestes composicions poètiques sobre dones, que nasqueren en un context d'estricta oralitat, han resultat ésser d'allò més prolífiques, i actualment se'n pot resseguir la continuïtat en una tradició pràcticament ininterrompuda fins els nostres dies.

Com'è noto, nel processo di municipalizzazione dell'Egitto romano una tappa fondamentale è rappresentata dall'istituzione delle βουλαί ad Alessandria e nelle metropoli da parte di Settimio Severo all'inizio del III secolo. Oggetto di questo contributo è l'evoluzione istituzionale che portò all'introduzione delle βουλαί, con l'intento di discutere le attestazioni del cosiddetto κοινὸν τῶν ἀρχόντων, inteso come consiglio collettivo di tutti i magistrati civici, non differenziati in base alla specifi ca ἀρχή rivestita. Quest'organo è stato concepito come un 'precedente' istituzionale della βουλή, nel quale avrebbero trovato espressione i diversi ἄρχοντες delle metropoli egiziane di II secolo. Tale ipotesi si basa su una continuità effettivamente riscontrabile tra le funzioni municipali possedute dagli ἄρχοντες nel II secolo e quelle assunte dalla βουλή nel III: è, infatti, ormai unanimemente accolta la teoria per la quale l'istituzione delle βουλαί non costituì l'inizio del processo di municipalizzazione in Egitto, poiché esso era già cominciato con la progressiva acquisizione di funzioni municipali da parte di alcuni magistrati civici (in particolare ginnasiarchi, esegeti e cosmeti) ben prima della riforma severiana 1 . La creazione di un sistema di magistrature civiche e di liturgie aveva permesso la progressiva formazione e, specialmente nel II secolo, il consolidamento di un'élite nelle cui mani era concentrata la gestione amministrativa della città. Una volta introdotte le βουλαί, la loro membership venne riservata agli stessi gruppi ristretti che si erano già costituiti nelle capitali di nòmo, in particolare attraverso il rivestimento di ἀρχαί; tali magistrature, in origine di carattere evergetico e a candidatura volontaria, già nel II secolo mostravano caratteri di coercizione e apparivano integrate nel sistema liturgico 2 . L'indagine in oggetto parte dalla considerazione che, nonostante la esistenza del κοινὸν τῶν ἀρχόντων sia stata data in genere per scontata in letteratura, le testimonianze tradizionalmente ricondotte a questo collegio risalgono a periodi in cui le βουλαί erano già attive:

Copia frammentaria di un protocollo di apertura di testamento in lingua latina * Tavola 4 Il papiro di cui si fornisce l'edizione restituisce una porzione esigua di testo, ma ciò che resta dei rr. 2-4 permette di intuire la natura del documento e induce a identificarlo con la parte finale di un verbale di apertura di testamento: si tratta della sezione dedicata alla agnitio sigillorum, nella quale coloro che avevano firmato il testamento dichiarano di aver riconosciuto i propri sigilli 1 . Tale sezione concludeva generalmente il protocollo * Ringrazio M. C. Scappaticcio per avermi affidato lo studio di questo frammento. La ricerca che ha portato a tali risultati è stata finanziata dall'European Research Council (ERC) all'interno del Programma di Ricerca e Innovazione Horizon2020 (Grant agreement nº 636983); ERC-PLATINUM project 'Papyri and Latin Texts: Insights and Updated Methodologies. Towards a philological, literary, and historical approach to Latin papyri', Università`degli Studi di Napoli 'Federico II' -PI Maria Chiara Scappaticcio. Il mio ringraziamento va, inoltre, allo staff della Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, in particolare a P. Zyats per aver effettuato controlli sull'originale e a E. Doon e M. Custer per avermi fornito informazioni sull'acquisizione del papiro. Ringrazio, infine, R. Ast, G. D. Merola, F. Mitthof, F. Nasti, i membri del progetto ERC-PLATINUM e i referees anonimi per i loro utili suggerimenti, di cui tale edizione ha beneficiato.

The Erasmus Plus project SELECT (Self-Learning Atlas of Ancient European CulTures, http://www.selecteplus.eu KA201, 2020-2023), was aimed to bring the history, archaeology, and epigraphy of the ancient world, especially the peoples before Rome (in Italy, Spain, France and Eastern Europe), into schools as an informal way of learning about ancient peoples. Reconstructing and identifying a people is always a complex process, with various cultural aspects changing over time. That is why we thought of creating a multi-layered, interactive Atlas where everyone can compile their map according to their curiosity and educational goals.
The Map Generator tool offered by the project was designed to provide access to navigation by calling up different cultural aspects—marked with different colours and signs—such as archaeological facies, inscriptions, alphabets, languages, mints, and sanctuaries. Teachers and students can use the tool for teaching purposes. Furthermore, the Atlas is intended to provide all citizens with informal and entertaining access to knowledge about the ancient world and to question the processes of identifying ancient peoples: a process that consists of various elements changing over time. The temporal dimension, which is usually neglected in current
historical cartography, will be a key element, allowing the user to observe how the history of early Europe changed in its characteristics and cultural aspects over the centuries.

The archive of Zenon son of Agreophon offers invaluable information on
the economy, the culture, and the social structure of Hellenistic Egypt. Moreover,
as it has been demonstrated in previous studies, it is also a primary source on the
diffusion and the relevance of literary pastimes for the local elite that set in the
Arsinoite nome under the reign of Ptolemy II, when the country achieved an unprecedented
level of economic prosperity. The present contribution offers a survey
of the archives’ documents related to music and literary culture, in order to outline
some elements of the process of acculturation which was pursued by the new Greek
rulers. In such perspective, a special attention is also given to a document as
P.Cair.Zen. IV 59534 a ‘paraliterary’ text which was surely part of the archive.

В фондах Тобольского историко-архитектурного музея-заповедника хранится коллекция предметов, которые определены как продукция стекольного завода корнильевых. Это производство существовало в окрестностях тобольска в период с 1749 до 1848 г. Музейные предметы имеют многообразие форм, выполнены из зеленого стекла, датированы первой половиной XIX в. часть из них можно определить как дореволюционные собрания губернского музея. Посуду XVIII в. можно определить клеймами, которые представлены несколькими археологическими находками, которые публикуются впервые. они имеют
круглую форму и надписи с указанием годов изготовления и с аббревиатурами, в которых зашифрованы место производства и его владелец. на современном этапе исследований только клейма могут позволить выполнить атрибуцию посуды завода Корнильевых.

Petridou, G. (2024) ‘Communicating with Gods, Offering Bodies, and the Antonine Plague’, in Clelia Martínez Maza, Antón Alvar Nuño, and Jaime Alvar Ezquerra (eds.), Calling Upon Gods, Offering Bodies Strategies of Human-Divine Communication in the Roman Empire. From Individual Experience to Social Reproduction, Peter Lang, 239-264.

Sport in ancient Athens was much more than the Olympics

David. M. Pritchard 

It is true that the Olympic Games were also a really big deal in ancient Athens. The Athenians followed how sports stars performed at the Olympics as obsessively as we do. They likewise swelled with national pride when one of their own was proclaimed an Olympic victor. In the fifth and fourth centuries BC, they gave such a victor their topmost public honours. These were free daily banquets and free front-row seats at local games – both for life. 

Yet, sport in ancient Athens was much more than the Olympics. Physical education was a well-established discipline of the education of Athenian boys. Ancient Athens actually had more local games than any other Greek state. 

Every day, there, schoolboys went to the classes of a paidotribes or athletics teacher. Today, physical education during schooltime usually does not focus on competitive sports. Instead, serious training for such sports takes place outside school hours. By contrast, Athenian physical education was all about the sports common to the Olympics and other games.

An athletics teacher, who was often a former Olympic victor (figure 1), owned his own palaistra or wrestling school. There, he taught his classes in wrestling, boxing and the pankration, which was like our kickboxing (figure 2). For the other common competitive sports, a paidotribes took his students out to a gumnasion or sports field. Democratic Athens had three such public sporting facilities just outside the city-walls. These open spaces were ideal for training in the pentathlon as well as the four common footraces (figure 3).

The two other disciplines of male education were music and grammata or letters. Music included lessons in lyre playing and singing poetry. The grammatistes or letter teacher taught basic reading and writing as well as arithmetic.

The Athenian state never subsidised this traditional education. Therefore, it was always difficult for poor families to cover private school fees. Such families often also relied on their boys to keep farms or businesses going. The end result was that poor families could afford to educate their sons only in a single discipline.

The one that they chose was letters because it was of greater practical value for working people. Consequently, rich boys were the only ones in the classes of the paidotribes. In ancient Athens, about 5 percent of male citizens were rich. This meant that it was only a tiny elite that got serious training in competitive sports.

Competition at games in ancient Greece was truly fierce. There were 1000 Greek microstates in the Mediterranean basin. The sports stars in them all made a beeline for the Olympic Games. Even the local games that each Greek state put on attracted international competitors. A good example is the Great Panathenaea in which 50 percent of sportsmen were non-Athenian.

In the face of such fierce competition, an athlete who had not seriously trained would come in dead last. Poor Athenians, who had missed out on such school-based training, understandably decided not to enter games. Therefore, competing in sport was also a preserve of the social elite.

Ninety-five percent of ancient Athenians might have missed out on participation in sport. Nevertheless, they still considered athletics to be unambiguously good. The poor agreed that every boy should ideally go to the classes of an athletics teacher. In their eyes, such sports classes helped to turn boys into just and temperate adults. Poor Athenians felt no less positively about local games, seeing victory at them as commendable. The demos or people even made sure that no one criticised sports stars in public (figure 1). 

In democratic Athens, soldiers who did their duty were seen as the ultimate role models. In battles, they endured ponoi or toils as well as kindunoi or dangers. In accepting the possibility of death, soldiers proved their arete or courage. Another aspect of the high regard in which sportsmen were held is that they were judged to be comparable to such role models. Like soldiers, they, it was thought, also bore toils and dangers, always putting their courage beyond doubt. 

Ancient Athens was, famously, a direct democracy, in which poor citizens set the political agenda. This made it possible for the demos to turn their high regard of sport into pro-sport policies. Consequently, they voted to create the largest program of local games in ancient Greece. Festival-based contests could be athletic, musical or equestrian. In these 15 Athenian festivals, athletics featured much more often than musical or horse-based events. On this program, the demos spent a truly staggering 2.6 tons of silver each year.

The biggest games that the Athenians staged were the Great Panathenaea. This festival honoured Athena, who was their chief goddess, and was staged, like the Olympics, every 4 years. On it, the demos spent an incredible 650 kilograms of silver each time. This explains why the Great Panathenaea had twice as many contests as the Olympics. The Athenians awarded victors and placegetters huge amounts of olive oil in beautifully painted amphoras. Each Panathenaic amphora depicted Athena as a warrior on one side and a sporting event on the other (figure 2). 

The Great Panathenaea had all the common competitive sports for men and horses. But it had too surprising numbers of events for musicians and dancers as well as for soldiers and sailors. A good example of such war-related contests was the race for ten warships (figure 4). Athenian soldiers were also a big part of the Panathenaic procession, which was depicted on the Parthenon frieze.

Most years saw the ancient Athenians also stage at Eleusis local games for Demeter and Persephone. These two goddesses were considered to be most responsible for good harvests. It was thus quite appropriate that athletes there competed for sacks of grain. At Marathon, every four years, there were games for Heracles, who, it was thought, had founded the Olympics.

The Athenian demos actually considered those fellow citizens who had died in war to be demi-gods (figure 5). Contests were a standard act of worship for demi-gods and gods alike. Each year, Athens thus staged local games for the war dead, for which the prizes were bronze pots.

Today, the torch relay is a cherished ritual of our Olympics. But there was never any such relay at the ancient Games. The closest ancient parallel is a contest that took place at 4 Athenian festivals: the relay race for runners carrying a torch.

It is truly remarkable that poor Athenians were so pro-sport in spite of never being sportsmen. A big reason was that local games brought them much terpsis or delight. As a games spectator, an Athenian got a holiday, watched gripping races or bouts, and enjoyed a free picnic. For the sake of such picnics, the demos constantly voted to expand sacrifices at local games. By the 320s BC, the state was sacrificing 1300 cows each year.

However, the biggest reason for this pro-sport stance was the close association of sport and war. The ancient Athenians waged almost nonstop wars. In their eyes, war was unambiguously good and always brought huge benefits. Sport being closely associated with war could thus only increase the regard that the demos had for it. Nonelite Athenians believed that sportsmen bore toils as much as they did when fighting wars. This meant that they also had a strong personal affinity for what sportsmen did.

David M. Pritchard is an ancient historian at the University of Queensland in Australia and the author of Sport, Democracy and War in Classical Athens (Cambridge University Press). These are excerpts from a public lecture that he will be delivering at the Brisbane Greek Festival on 17 May 2025.

Figure captions:

Figure 1: This is the thanks offering that an Olympic victory from Athens left for Athena at her sanctuary at Sunium (National Archaeological Museum [Athens], inv. no. 3344). Photo courtesy of Hans Goette.

Figure 2: Depicted on this Panathenaic amphora is an athlothetes or games-organiser umpiring the kickboxing contest at the Great Panathenaea (Metropolitan Museum of Art [New York], inv. no. 16.71).

Figure 3: This Athenian wine cup depicts an athletics teacher training students in two events of the pentathlon (Powerhouse Museum [Sydney], inv. no. 99/117/1). Photo: Ryan Hernandez.

Figure 4: Athenian rowers are depicted on this victory monument for the race of warships at the Great Panathenaea (Acropolis Museum [Athens], inv. no. 1339). Photo courtesy of Hans Goette.

Figure 5: This was part of the public tomb for Athenian war dead from the Corinthian War (National Archaeological Museum [Athens], inv. no. 2744). Photo courtesy of Hans Goette.

This study calls for a reconsideration of the infused with mystery
imagery and terminology narratives in the Hieroi Logoi (henceforth
HL), and argues that a close and careful re-examination of this
rich material may yield valuable information not only regarding Aristides’
conception of the Pergamene cult in the Imperial Era, but also
of the way medical art (technē iatrikē) was conceptualised by other
members of the socio-political elite in the second century AD. If
placed in its proper socio-cultural context, I maintain, Aristides’ propensity
to recast Asclepius’ healing cult in terms of a mystery cult of
the highest order can reveal deeper more meaningful conceptual links
between Imperial mystery cults and healing cults.

Pubblicazione sistematica dei risultati dello scavo condotto nel 1983 sulla duna di Casa Brancazzi, lungo le sponde della laguna di Orbetello. Lo scavo mise in luce i resti di due strutture abitative frequentate nel corso del I secolo a.C., interpretate come capanne di pescatori in base alle restituzioni di attrezzatura da pesca, in piombo e in ceramica.

Recently built in the new downtown area of Ras al-Ayn in Amman, the Jordan Museum houses a selection of Greek inscriptions discovered on different sites, from Gadara in the north to Petra in the south. Some of these texts are well known to specialists. Others are unpublished. The aim of this article is to provide the researchers and the visitors of the museum with the edition of a collection that reflects the wealth of the Jordanian epigraphical heritage. Our work is also a contribution to the programme of the Greek and Latin Inscriptions in Jordan ('Inscriptions de la Jordanie'), which has received the renewed accreditation of the DoA and which is a part of the IGLS project ('Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie', 'Syrie' being understood here in its ancient meaning of 'Near East').

V članku sta ponovno predstavljena grška napisa, odkrita v obalnih mestih Perast in Ulcinj v Črni gori. Že v primarni objavi sta bila napisa ovrednotena kot pomemben historični vir, a zaradi manjkajočih in nenatančnih najdiščnih in kronoloških podatkov je bila vrednost obeh zgodovinskih dokumentov omejena. Avtorja v prispevku podajata revidirano branje in novo interpretacijo obeh napisov ter drugačno datacijo spomenikov. Napis iz Perasta je posvetilo cestnih stražnikov in njihovega poveljnika, verjetno izvira iz grško govorečega mesta na južnem Jadranu. Oltar iz Ulcinja, napisan v dorskem dialektu, je združenje kamnosekov postavilo Artemidi ubijalki jelenov. Od kod spomenik izvira, ni znano. Paleografski, lingvistični in historični argumenti kažejo na kasnejši čas izdelave, kot se je sprva domnevalo, tj. na čas okoli 1. st. pr. n. št.This paper discusses two Greek inscriptions found in the modern-day Montenegro, in the coastal towns of Perast and Ulcinj. Already at the time of their...

Germanii şi austro-ungarii trebuiau să atace din două direcţii pentru a ocupa această zonă. Lupte grele se dau pentru Măgura Odobeştilor care era cheia poziţiilor româno-ruse. Căderea ei în mâinile duşmanului a dus la pierderea Focşanilor şi a Văii Putnei. Oraşul Focşani, reşedinţa judeţului Putna, va fi ocupat de armatele Puterilor Centrale în noaptea de 25 spre 26 decembrie 1916/7-8 ianuarie 1917, ca de altfel şi cea mai pare parte a judeţului Putna, 50 comune din 80 fiind ocupate. Românii şi ruşii, după pierderea Măgurii Odobeştilor şi evacuarea Focşanilor s-au retras pe linia Suşiţei, Putnei şi a Siretului. La 28 decembrie 1916/10 ianuarie 1917, Inaltul Comandament german dădu ordinul de intrare în defensivă. Războiul de poziţie, cu bombardamentul şi acţiunile lui locale se va menţine pentru o jumătate de an (1).

This short study offers a reassessment of the newly found Lydian inscription from Denizli, first published by ROJAS & ÖZTÜRK (2022). This marble anthemion stela of the late fifth century BCE contains seven lines brimming with hapax legomena: šaṛẹ̃tλ [f. PN dat.sg.c.] (l. 2), awλoλ [dat.sg.nt.] 'anthemion' (l. 3), fatamcãν [dat.pl.c.] 'representation; sculpture' (l. 4), šãν [acc.sg.c.] 'obligation' (l. 5), woṣtid 'to observe' (l. 5), mλaṭaν [adv.] 'as [it is] mandatory' (l. 5), waλfλad 'to secure' (l. 6), adụcν [acc.sg.c.] 'duty' (l. 7), fašilawal 'to respect ' (l. 7). This text should be referred to as LW/N 121. 1 ešν šadmẽn fadinal sakardas 2 maneliš ḳãnaλ pịlλ šaṛẹ̃tλ šapλalλ ̣ " 1 Sakardas, (son) of Manes had this inscription made 2 for his wife Šarẽtiš, (daughter) of Šapλas." Gk: *Σαγγάριος Μάνεω τήνδε τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν ἐποίησε *Σαρήνδῑ Σαπλάδος τῆι ἑαυτοῦ γυναικί. As duly pointed out by ROJAS & ÖZTÜRK (2022:158), the word šadmẽ-[c.] 'seal' (Gk σῆµα, cf. LW 10.9; LW 2 74) means *'inscription' (Gk ἐπιγραφή) here, cf.: es šadmẽs eš-k mrud alikrelid *karol[id] (LW 26.1) "this inscription and this stela belong to Alikres (son) of Karos." The accusative singular in -n is remarkable (one would expect Lyd. *šadmẽν). As I have recently suggested (GARNIER 2022a:173), this noun developed from the dat.sg.c. šadmẽλ, which points to Pre-Lyd. *šadumẽn-aλ -viz. PA *sóy-u-[nt. ] extended with *-man (< PIE *-m#), endowed with a "proterokinetic" inflection (obl. *-mén-) -the PA underlying root being reflected by Hitt. šāi, šiy-anzi 'to impress; to seal' (< PA *s-óy-ẹ% , *s-iy-énti < PIE *sh1-ó&-e&, *sh1-i&-énti). The palatalization is surely due to the verb *ši-'to seal' (perhaps via a phrase *šadmẽn ši-). The third person singular past fadinal reflects a preverbed form *fa-da-ína-'to cause; to cause s.o. to make' -'to commission' according to ROJAS & ÖZTÜRK (2022:158), by contrast with the simplex inl 'he made' (< Pre-Lyd. *ínal), which also appears in dedications on objects (LW 28; 48), for instance [ ]iš inl (LW 48) "X-iš made it." Yet, note that *[.]ftelliš kawes inl (LW 28) [on a bowl] should be rendered as " [.]ftelliš, the priest, had it made" -here with unmarked causative value. There is a later variant to fadinal: Lyd. fadil (LW 15.1 [5 th -4 th Century BCE, Sardis]), from *fadill (< *fadinl < fadinal). The dat.sg.c. šaṛẹ̃tλ points to an i-mutated stem *šarẽt(i)-[f. PN] perhaps from PA *ser-ó-nt-[adj.] 'watched over; protected' -rather than *'favored' with MELCHERT apud ROJAS & ÖZTÜRK (2022:158), since the PIE root *serdoes not mean † 'to look with favor' but 'to watch; to protect'. One must posit PIE *ser-ó-[λευκός-class adj.] 4 'related to the watch' → PIE *ser-ó-nt-with the "characterizing" suffix *-nt-. Perhaps one has to assume here a root-noun *sór-the oblique of which was a base-stem for an adjective of appurtenance (PIE *ser-ó-) and a decasuative *ser-'ó-[adj.] 'being on the watch; guardian' (Lat. servus [m.] 'slave' < *'guard; herdsman ', cf. YAv. pasuš.hauruua-[adj.] 'protecting the cattle'). PA *ser-ó-nt-is the base-stem of PA *ser-ó-nt-ā-[c.] 'protector' reflected by Lyd. šarẽta-, an epithet of Zeus: ak-mλ 4 lews šarẽtas

In the huge collection of ancient Greek grave steles we find a number of inscriptions dedicated to wet nurses of the rich, elite citizenry of Classical Athens. This is a quite peculiar and noteworthy appearance, both keeping in mind that these wet nurses are enslaved people, and therefore 'socially dead', as well as being females in ancient Athens-a situation without any form of political, legal or social rights. This article sets out to explore why these honours came to be, and what they essentially means for the wet nurses in question, in terms of social status and socioeconomic opportunities. Throughout, it will be argued that these nurses display a dichotomous position in the ancient Greek household, due to their privileged and problematic knowledge of the most intimate aspects of the citizen's private life.

This is the abstract of an online lecture at the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences at Kraków, Poland, on 24th of June 2025.
In this brief contribution several previously unpublished or less-known grave and votive monuments are analysed which were inscribed in ancient Greek and Old Aramaic and were found in four cities of southeastern and eastern Turkey. These monuments are ranging from the third century AD to the Late Byzantine period, and most of them are of funerary character. Through this material group one gains new insights about the historical and social background of the peripherial area in the eastern part of the Roman Empire.

The study of the grave goods from tomb T27 of the western necropolis of Nora stimulates considerations that add new elements of complexity to the already elaborate picture that is gradually emerging as investigations at the burial site progress, highlighting further critical issues and potentialities related to the reconstruction of the ancient funerary ritual. The present paper explores the different interpretations offered by the discovery of Phoenician grave goods in association with Hellenistic cinerary urns. The redeposition of archaic objects within a new tomb arrangement challenge us to question the reasons for such an action, which is certainly deliberate, intentional, and therefore significant. After the exposition of the stratigraphic context, the discussion of the typological and chronological classification of the artifacts, and the presentation of the data so far available for the Hellenistic phase of the Nora necropolis, the contribution will examine the possible motivations behind the redeposition. Some scenarios appear more convincing than others, therefore the authors will eventually suggest an interpretation that involves the precise will to declare the deceased somehow linked to that Phoenician facies in respect of which the Hellenistic community of Nora was still in ideal continuity.

While in Classical and Early Hellenistic times the sculptors working in Knidos came in general from Athens, the artists of the later periods, as we learn from their signatures, came from very different regions. Some of them, like the Chiotian family of Zenodotos and his son Menippos settled in the city and the grandson finally got the citizenship of Knidos. In this time, the sculptors worked sometimes in cooperation on the same project as on the altar of Apollon Karneios where at least three signatures remained (Zenodotos the Jounger, Theon and Boulis). The figures of the frieze show clear affinities to Rhodian sculptures. This is of a certain importance because all the statues of the signed bases are missing and we have no idea about the style of the sculptors. However, one of the sculptors of the altar (Theon) worked also in Rhodes and received even the citizenship of the island. Once again, the close relationship of these two states can be documented and beside this, the global connections between the workshops in Hellenistic times can be recorded.

While in Classical and Early Hellenistic times the sculptors working in Knidos came in general from Athens, the artists of the later periods, as we learn from their signatures, came from very different regions. Some of them, like the Chiotian family of Zenodotos and his son Menippos settled in the city and the grandson finally got the citizenship of Knidos. In this time, the sculptors worked sometimes in cooperation on the same project as on the altar of Apollon Karneios where at least three signatures remained (Zenodotos the Jounger, Theon and Boulis). The figures of the frieze show clear affinities to Rhodian sculptures. This is of a certain importance because all the statues of the signed bases are missing and we have no idea about the style of the sculptors. However, one of the sculptors of the altar (Theon) worked also in Rhodes and received even the citizenship of the island. Once again, the close relationship of these two states can be documented and beside this, the global connections between the workshops in Hellenistic times can be recorded.

The city of Panopeus (aka Phanoteus) in Phokis, reputed in imperial times to be indigent according to the famous passage by Pausanias – which however still requires commentary –, can now be better understood thanks to recent advances in its archaeological and epigraphical exploration. These advances show in particular two breaks at the threshhold and towards the end of the Classical period, respectively in connection with the Persian invasion of 480 BC and the 3rd Sacred War (356-346 BC). Among the Phokian cities in Hellenistic times, Panopeus undoubtedly remained an average city, whose life is made manifest by two new inscriptions, a dedication to Herakles and an erotic text.

During archaeological excavations at Andriace, the harbour of Myra, an honorific inscription was discovered in front of the quay structure just north of the granarium (horrea Hadriani). It was prepared by Arrius Paetus Themistius, the praeses of Lycia province, to honour the Roman emperor Jovian with a statue. The discovery provides new information about Themistius, who was introduced to us only by the sophist Libanius, including his tria nomina and unexplored service period in Lycia. It has also led to reconsidering the tenure of the praesidatus of two uiri clarissimi, Themistius and Sozomenus. In this context, addenda et corrigenda are proposed for another honorific inscription to emperor Julian in Andriace. Finally, the administrative importance of Myra and Andriace in Lycia during the 4th century is presented.

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Durante las excavaciones arqueológicas en Andriace, el puerto de Myra, se descubrió una inscripción honorífica delante de la estructura del muelle, justo al norte del granarium (horrea Hadriani). Fue preparada por Arrio Peto Temistio, presidente de la provincia de Licia, para honrar al emperador romano Joviano con una estatua. El descubrimiento aporta nuevos datos sobre Temistio, del que sólo nos había hablado el sofista Libanio, como sus tria nomina y su inexplorado periodo de servicio en Licia. También ha llevado a reconsiderar la titularidad del praesidatus de dos uiri clarissimi Temistio y Sozómeno. En este contexto, se proponen adiciones y correcciones para otra inscripción honorífica al emperador Juliano en Andriace. Por último, se señala la importancia administrativa de Myra y Andriace en Licia durante el siglo IV.

The Spartans were a feared and organized fighting force on the ancient battlefield. They treated hoplite warfare as a skill, or techne, honed through athletics training and discipline to become proficient hoplite warriors. This paper will examine how the Spartans used athletic competitions to train for warfare. Additionally, this research will examine how the Spartans were molded from an early age by their culture, via their state-sponsored upbringing known as the paideia, to value discipline, athletic competition, and traits associated with athleticism for later use in their hoplite phalanx.

ავტორ-შემდგენლები -ლია ლურსმანაშვილი, გულნარა კვანტიძე ავტორთა ჯგუფი -ლია ლურსმანაშვილი, გულნარა კვანტიძე, ნატო ფაილოძე, ნანული აბესაძე, ეკა ბერელაშვილი, ზინაიდა ვადაჭკორია, თამთა გიორგობიანი სამეცნიერო რედაქტორი -ნანული აზიკური ქართული ტექსტის რედაქტორი -ელენე სარალიძე ინგლისური ენის თარგმანი და რედაქტორი -ნინო ჩუბინიძე დიზაინი -ფრიდონ ლობჯანიძე, ირაკლი ხუციშვილი ფოტო -მირიან კილაძე, გურამ ბუმბიაშვილი, გულნარა კვანტიძე პროექტის სამეცნიერო ხელმძღვანელი -ლია ლურსმანაშვილი პროექტის კოორდინატორი -ნატო ფაილოძე

In this paper I discuss the significance of the temple of Ares in the Athenian Agora in relation to Athenian religious traditions and Roman propaganda. I suggest that Ares was of greater importance to Athenian cult than has often been assumed and that this was exploited by both Greeks and Romans in the early Imperial period.

Si deve a Henry Rudolph lmmerwahr il primo catalogo di scene vascolari fondate sul protagonismo del rotolo di papiro, il supporto a cui i Greci affidarono tanta parte della loro memoria letteraria. In questo libro, il censimento dello studioso è aggiornato con nuove testimonianze e completato da un analitico commento dei papiri nei quali figurano incipit di perduta poesia greca. L’esame dei testimoni svela echi di un sapere sentenzioso e precettistico ovvero menzioni di passi ascrivibili a poeti leggendari, come Oleno e l’Omero degli inni, e ancora a Esiodo, a Stesicoro, a Saffo. Nella cornice di attività didattiche o ricreative, il papiro passa di mano in mano a personaggi, mitici e reali, fra i quali spiccano enigmatiche figure di donne lettrici, un protagonismo che richiede una riflessione sulla portata di un fenomeno perlopiù taciuto dalle fonti letterarie.

Henry Rudolph lmmerwahr published the first catalogue of vase scenes based on the prominence of the papyrus roll ("Book Rolls on Attic Vases", in C. Henderson [edited by], Classical, Medieval, and Renaissance Studies in Honor of Berthold Louis Ullmann, Rome 1964, I, pp. 17-48; "More Book Rolls on Attic Vases", «AK» 16 [1973], pp. 143-147), the medium to which the Greeks entrusted so much of their literary memory. In this book, the scholar's research is updated with new evidence and completed by an analytical commentary on the papyri containing incipits of lost Greek poetry. The research reveals echoes of sententious and preceptive knowledge, or mentions of passages attributable to legendary poets, such as Olenus and the Homer of the hymns, and also to Hesiod, Stesichorus, and Sappho. In the context of educational or recreational activities, the papyrus passes from hand to hand to characters, both mythical and real, among whom stand out enigmatic figures of women readers, a prominence that requires reflection on the significance of a phenomenon mostly silenced by literary sources.

Este artículo presenta un proyecto de investigación en curso sobre la aplicación de aprendizaje automático a la edición de inscripciones griegas. En concreto, propone utilizar Ithaca, una arquitectura de redes neuronales profundas, para elaborar una nueva edición crítica de las consultas al oráculo de Zeus y Dione que se conservan en las laminillas de plomo descubiertas en el santuario de Dodona, en el norte de Grecia. El objetivo del proyecto es doble: en primer lugar, busca integrar una herramienta tecnológica innovadora en la edición crítica epigráfica, mediante el uso de aprendizaje automático avanzado; en segundo lugar, permite evaluar la eficacia del aprendizaje profundo en la edición de un corpus de inscripciones griegas que presenta un alto nivel de complejidad.

El  nuevo  corpus  de  inscripciones  oraculares  de  Dodona  ha  suscitado  un  interés  renovado  en  el  santuario.  En  este  marco, son varios los estudiosos que han llamado la atención sobre  la  necesidad  de  revisar  la  creencia  establecida  sobre  la  importancia  del  agua  en  Dodona,  si  bien  hasta  el  momento  no  se  ha  realizado  un  análisis  completo  de  todos los testimonios, tanto literarios como epigráficos y arqueológicos, que es precisamente el objetivo del presente trabajo.  Como  demuestra  el  estudio  contrastado  de  la  información aportada por los distintos tipos de fuentes, y en especial los nuevos datos sobre el oráculo que han revelado las laminillas oraculares, no hay pruebas concluyentes que permitan confirmar que el agua tuviera un papel relevante en el culto o en la práctica oracular.

recueil Forgerons, élites et voyageurs d'Homère à nos jours est un hommage rendu à la mémoire d'Isabelle Ratinaud-Lachkar, dont les publications portaient sur les métaux et leurs usages dans les sociétés grecques de la période géométrique. Élue membre junior de l'Institut universitaire de France en novembre 2008, elle avait présenté dans son dossier de candidature plusieurs thématiques de recherche développées dans le présent ouvrage. L'introduction de ce volume coordonné par Marie-Claude Ferriès, Maria Paola Castiglioni et Françoise Létoublon, souligne l'intérêt de la méthode qu'elle avait adoptée en combinant les approches de l'archéologue, de l'historien et de l'historiographe, pour suivre la piste des métaux et interroger, chemin faisant, les élites et les échanges culturels. Les chercheurs à l'origine des vingt-trois chapitres qui composent ce volume, se réclament de cette pluridisciplinarité.

Maria G. Spathi, Maria Chidiroglou, Jenny Wallensten, Apotropaia and phylakteria: confronting evil in ancient Greece. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2024. Pp. 280. ISBN 9781803277493.
Review by Christina Aamodt, Thessaloniki, Greece
https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2025/2025.05.08/

La storica e antropologa Paola Trevisan ha intervistato diversi membri della comunità sinta che è oggi stanziata a Reggio Emilia, Modena e Bologna. Poiché queste interviste sono state registrate, offrono una preziosa testimonianza sulla lingua di questa comunità, che i parlanti stessi chiamano sinto (cfr. per esempio «dobbiamo parlarle in sinto»). A differenza di quanto sembrerebbe suggerire il glottonimo, questa varietà non appartiene alla romaní, cioè all’insieme di idiomi di base indo-aria parlati dai rom e dai sinti italiani, ma è un dialetto puramente italo-romanzo. Nonostante che i membri di questa comunità si trovino stanziati in Emilia da decenni, il loro dialetto non è affatto emiliano ma veneto: rimanda a una zona compresa tra Mantova, Ferrara e Verona. Si tratta quindi di un nuovo caso - fin ora non noto - di eteroglossia interna (Telmon 1992). Nella presentazione si darà qualche ragguaglio storico e linguistico su questa varietà e si proporrà una nuova etimologia (diversa da quella di Janda 1995) per uno dei suoi fenomeni più caratterizzanti: le forme di 1pl in -no (cantàvino 'cantavàmo')

Nauplio (anc. Ναυπλία, med. Ναύπλιον) is a coastal city in the region of Argolis in the Peloponnese (Figure ). During the Middle Byzantine period (843-1204) Nauplio was one of the two main urban centres of Argolis and the region's main harbour. The other city, Argos, served as the administrative and ecclesiastical centre of Argolis with flourishing agricultural, industrial and commercial activity. 2 Both of them, like the whole of Argolis, belonged from the late 8th/beginning of the 9th century to the theme of the Peloponnese and from the first half of the 11th century to the theme of Hellas. We know little about Byzantine Nauplio from the written sources. In the tenth century it is mentioned in some saints' Lives. The Life of St Theodore of Kythera informs us that the saint was raised in Nauplio, probably around the late 9th-early 10th century. Around 969-971 Hosios Nikon the 'Metanoeite' visited the city to preach repentance. From the tenth until the twelfth century the region's coast was occasionally troubled by pirates. More specifically, from the Life of St Peter of Argos we learn that in the early tenth century Arabs from the Cretan Emirate were selling captives in the city's harbour, while a naval conflict between a Byzantine and an Arab ship in the Argolic Gulf is also attested. 7 Around a century later, the strategos Nikephoros Karantenos set up camp in Nauplio and in 1032 successfully repulsed a naval raid by Saracens. In 1143/4, Arab or Norman pirates raided the region's coast, 9 while around 1197-1198 the emperor Alexios III Angelos (1195-1203) commissioned Theodore Sgouros or his son Leo to deal with the piracy. Despite such adversities, it seems that by the eleventh century and more especially in the twelfth Nauplio was gradually becoming a sufficiently important harbour to attract the interest of Venice, as it was included in the areas of free commerce between the Byzantine Empire and the Venetian Republic. 11 Furthermore, around the mid-twelfth century the Arab geographer al-Idrīsī included Nauplio in his list of the most important cities of the Peloponnese.

Рекомендовано к печати Ученым советом Института истории и международных отношений Саратовского государственного университета им. Н.Г. Чернышевского (протокол № 1 от 29 августа 2024 г.) А  Монография посвящена греческим амфорам из собраний Евпаторийского краеведческого музея и Историко-археологического музея-заповедника «Калос Лимен». В первой главе изложена история исследования археологических памятников Северо-Западного Крыма, во второй-история формирования коллекций музеев. Третья глава посвящена комплексам, содержащим амфорную тару. Каталог разделен на две части-первая содержит описание 148 тарных сосудов из коллекции Евпаторийского музея, вторая-58 амфор из собрания музея-заповедника «Калос Лимен». В каталожной части приводятся аналогии и датировки по существующим классификациям. Издание снабжено указателями. Для специалистов в области античной археологии и истории.
The monograph is on the Greek amphorae from the collections of the Yevpatoria Museum of Local History and the Historical and
Archaeological Museum-Reserve “Kalos Limen”. In Chapter One the investigation history of archaeological sites in North-Western
Crimea is presented, and in Chapter Two there is the history of the museum collections formation. Chapter Three is devoted to
complexes containing amphora containers. The catalogue is divided into two parts: the first contains the description of 148 container
vessels from the collection of the Yevpatoria Museum, in the second there are 58 amphorae from the “Kalos-Limen” Museum-Reserve
collection. The catalogue section provides analogies and datings according to current classifications. The publication is provided with
indexes. For specialists in the field of Ancient Archeology and History.

This paper is about the Linear A inscription MA 1 (GORILA I: 268-269) and its possible interpretation according to the "Minoan Greek" hypothesis. It is focused, in particular, on the sequence • *47 • qe-de-mi-nu •, which is examined comparing it with Mycenean and Ancient Greek texts.