Habsburg Studies

A Heretical History of Architecture challenges the conventional understanding of significant developments in Western architecture as a series of alignments among dominant ideologies and artistic programs, arguing instead that the most consequential changes in the evolution of artistic and design practices across Europe between the fifth and seventeenth centuries were motivated by tensions between local religious or cultural traditions and centralized power.
This groundbreaking study richly demonstrates the processes through which heterodox beliefs that persisted within numerous diverse communities resulted in design experimentation so syncretic that it has heretofore eluded scholars employing conventional Euro-centric taxonomies of architectural styles.

A kutatás során az osztrák-magyar adminisztráció a megszállt tartományokban foganatosított kolonizációs politikájának főbb mérföldköveit azonosítva igyekeztem beazonosítani azokat a tényezőket, amelyek a megszállás első éveiben gyorsították vagy lassították a bosznia-hercegovinai kolonizáció előrehaladását.
A kutatás egyik legfontosabb következtetése, hogy az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia Bosznia-Hercegovinában alkalmazott kolonizációs politikáját nem lehet csupán egy értelmezési keretben elhelyezni, hiszen a telepítések hátterében meghúzódó szándékok és érdekek a megszállás négy évtizedének folyamán folyamatosan változtak, s az egyes elképzelések a közigazgatás eltérő érdekek szerint működő szintjei között lévő dinamika függvényében kerültek megvalósításra.

The article aims to explore the Austro–Hungarian colonial policy in the occupied Bosnia-Herzegovina through the confrontation of the two approaches most often used in historiography, namely the modernization mission discourse and the postcolonial perspective, with the help of previously unpublished archival material. The paper introduces the main theoretical approaches: the modernization paradigm, which is still embedded in Austro–Hungarian historiography, and which, in recent decades, has been subjected to sharp criticism from not only Said’s Orientalism and Todorova’s Balkanism, but also from the postcolonial discourse. Drawing on archival sources, the paper attempts to explore the economic and political considerations behind colonial politics, pointing to its dynamically changing and contradictory nature, and thus demonstrating that neither the modernization paradigm nor the postcolonial interpretation of colonial politics can be convincingly justified.

Surprisingly few histories of British-Habsburg diplomatic relations have appeared over the years; both during the period when the Austrian/Austro-Hungarian empire was seen as an historical anachronism, and in the more recent renaissance of Habsburg and Austrian studies. This paper serves to remedy that situation through an analysis of British political cartoons published during the reign of Franz Joseph I (1848-1916), a time in which the conduct of foreign affairs was still very much an elite preoccupation, and in which popular attitudes towards diplomacy were expressed ever more stridently in the press. This was especially so in the medium of political cartoons. Political cartoons are a useful tool to the historian for more than one reason, as this paper will show.

Les bannières, les étendards et les drapeaux utilisés durant de siècles en Iran et dans le monde musulman nous dévoilent un panorama étendu de l’imagerie des artistes capables de métamorphoser par une stylisation subtile toute allégorie martiale, politique ou mystique requise. Ils  restent à la fois un vecteur et un protecteur d’une modèle culturelle et confessionnelle.

Pomen metafor in analogij telesa ter z njim povezanih stanj (predvsem bolezni) je bil v srednjeveški in novoveški politični misli velik. Izhodiščno vprašanje besedila je, kaj se skriva za na videz samoumevnimi izrazi, analogijami in metaforami, ki obravnavajo telo, kaj so želeli avtorji povedati s sklicevanjem na različne organološke metafore in zakaj so jih uporabili. V analizi se bom osredotočil na delo Franza Alberta Pelzhofferja Neu-entdeckte Staats-Klugheit in hundert politischen Reden oder Discursen (v nadaljevanju Neu-entdeckte Staats-Klugheit). Na začetku se velja vprašati, čemu kot izhodišče razmisleka izbrati ravno telo in bolezen. Zakaj je bilo ravno telo priljubljena metafora za opis političnega stanja? 1 Najprej moramo ozavestiti dejstvo, da ima vsakdo izkušnjo telesa, zato je bila, in še vedno je, ta izkušnja univerzalna. Telo je splošna antropološka konstanta, ki jo pozna vsakdo, zato so tisti, ki jo uporabljajo, prepričani, da jo bo vsakdo razumel. 2 Po drugi strani sklicevanje na telo omogoča predstaviti naravnost politike, njeno pogojenost z naravnim in (posledično za predmoderno obdobje) božjim zakonom. 3 Tako kot človek 1 Metafora telesa je ena najpomembnejših političnih metafor. Temeljno delo obravnave metafore v politični misli je Peil, Untersuchungen zur Staats-und Herrschaftsmetaphorik. V njem Peil izpostavi šest temeljnih metafor, ki prečijo politično misel od antike do danes: pastir in čreda, krmar, čebele (oziroma čebelja država), telo, država kot stroj, država kot zgradba. Pogosto je prišlo tudi do prepleta različnih metafor. Gl. tudi Draženović, »Metafore telesa in bolezni v srednjem in zgodnjem novem veku«. 2 Podobno je z analogijo družine oziroma družinskih odnosov. Gl. Strohmayer, Svoboda politike in moč vere. 3 O povezanosti naravnega in božjega zakona v srednjeveški in novoveški misli glej izjemno koncizno: Schröder, »Gesetz« und »Naturgesetz«. Obširneje: Scattola. Das Naturrecht vor dem Naturrecht.

At the end of 1565 and the beginning of 1566, a group of nobles from the Netherlands wrote a text demanding the moderation of the persecution of heresy in the region. The document, which is known as the Nobility Commitment or the Breda Commitment, would have key legal, institutional and political consequences in the future of conflict in the area.

Resumen: A finales del año 1565 y comienzos del año 1566, un grupo
de nobles de los Países Bajos redactó un texto reclamando la
moderación de la persecución de la herejía en la región. El documento,
al que se conoce como Compromiso de Nobleza o Compromiso de
Breda, tendría consecuencias jurídicas, institucionales y políticas clave
en el devenir de la conflictividad en la zona.

Porcelain figures of humans and animals were part of the Japanese trade by the Dutch East-India Company (VOC) and of private Dutch merchants in Japan. They distributed such figures all over Europe, where they were highly appreciated. This introduction discusses the Dutch trade in Japan and describes a number of figures with a documented provenance from early European collections.

L'ANMI è un'associazione di ex combattenti e militari della Marina Militare Italiana, nata nel 1896 come Associazione di Mutuo Soccorso. Presso la sede torinese sono conservati diari di guerra e album fotografici donati dai soci, che documentano e testimoniano con immagini e racconti vicende di guerra del secolo scorso.

Die Expansion der entgrenzten Toleranz (oder des Werterelativismus liberaler Gesellschaften) kann als eine der Ursachen für den Vormarsch rechter Parteien und anderer Radikalismen gesehen werden.
Daher empfehlt es sich, moderne Toleranz weder als bloßes Dulden noch in uneingeschränkte Wertschätzung zu deuten. Moderne Toleranz bedeutet entweder eine auf stichhaltigen Argumenten basierende Akzeptanz oder eine respektvolle, gut begründete Zurückweisung von als fremd oder ungerecht empfundenen Handlungen.

Nel corso del Novecento la città di Fiume è stata oggetto di contese e politiche nazionalizzatrici stimolate da forze politiche locali e nazionali. Nella costruzione, legittimazione e rappresentazione dei loro assetti politici e sociali questi stati hanno dovuto affrontare il nodo della multinazionalità fiumana, ancorata ai retaggi culturali imperiali, a loro volta legati all’influenza politica, economica e culturale che, oltre all’Impero asburgico, avevano esercitato anche la Repubblica di Venezia e il Regno croato-ungherese, fino al più lontano Impero romano. Il Regno d’Italia che prese possesso di Fiume era uno stato nazionale che mostrò attitudini imperialistiche nel secondo conflitto mondiale. Terminato il conflitto la città passò alla Jugoslavia, stato multinazionale come un impero ma federale come una repubblica, con le sembianze di un piccolo impero balcanico. In questo saggio non si tenterà una lettura sulla natura di queste formazioni politiche, ma si discuterà del loro retaggio culturale, focalizzando l’attenzione sul ruolo di alcuni simboli ed elementi materiali e immateriali – in particolare le lingue e i monumenti con i leoni e l’aquila riconducibili al passato imperiale, o percepito come tale – e su come alcune pratiche, metafore e rappresentazioni siano legate a sentimenti contrastanti, tra desiderio di rimozione e nostalgia.

A holokauszt nem azzal kezdődött, hogy a zsidók a krematóriumok előtt találták magukat. A holokauszt folyamata szorosan összefügg az európai zsidóság céltudatos és folyamatos marginalizációjával. A Szlovák Állam politikusai, kiindulva a szlovák autochton antiszemitizmusból, hajtották végre a saját politikai antiszemitizmusukat, amely az árjásításban, a zsidók deportációjának előkészítésében és annak az ország határain túlra irányított végrehajtásában teljesült be.

La colonización española de la región de la Laguna de Términos, en el Golfo de México, se articuló alrededor de la explotación del palo de tinte desarrollada en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. A partir de cómo se gestionaron las licencias para el corte de ese preciado árbol, el artículo incursiona por los efectos de la explotación maderera en el ordenamiento territorial de la región basado en la calidad de ser vecino.The Spanish colonization of the region known as Laguna de Términos, in the Gulf of Mexico, was constructed around the exploitation of logwood in the second half of the eighteenth century. From the perspective of how the licenses for the cutting of this valued tree were granted, this article investigates the effects of the logwood harvest on the territorial order of the region based on the Spanish notion of vecino.CONACYT 23754

V uvodu diplomskega dela opisujem razvoj železniškega omrežja v Habsburški monarhiji, ki je privedel do načrtovanja nove železniške povezave notranjosti dežele z največjim pristaniščem monarhije – Trstom. V nadaljevanju sledi pregled vseh pomembnejših načrtov nove železniške povezave in razlogov za izbor današnje trase. Širše obravnavam vključitev bohinjske železnice v celotno čezalpsko povezavo, ki je zajemala gradnjo Phyrnske, Turske, Karavanške in Bohinjske proge. Natančno opišem razloge za izbor bohinjske trase ter se nato posvetim značilnostim proge in njeni gradnji. Posebna poglavja namenim nekaterim pomembnim objektom, pri katerih se natančneje posvetim predvsem bohinjskemu predoru, solkanskemu viaduktu, prezračevalni napravi predora Bukovo in viaduktu Vintgar. Del diplomskega dela sem namenil tudi opisu stanja v času obeh svetovnih vojn, v katerih je bohinjska železnica odigrala pomembno vlogo. To se je pokazalo tudi ob koncu obeh svetovnih morij, ko je bila zaradi tega močn...

The FWF-funded SFB "Managing Maximilian (1493-1519) - Persona, Politics, and Personnel through the Lens of Digital Prosopography" presents in its second newsletter its multifaceted activities, events, lectures and publications during 2024 and early 2025.

The modernization of education in the Habsburg Monarchy after 1848 was characterized by politically conservative tendencies: on the one hand, the aim was to standardize school systems in order to preserve the balance of power in the neo-absolutist, centrally administered state. On the other hand, there was a desire to take the demands of individual nationalities into account to a large extent, primarily with regard to the language of instruction, i.e., the right to be taught in one's mother tongue in elementary schools. German was to remain the language of higher, i.e., general education, a lingua franca of the Habsburg Empire. As a result of the politicization of the language question since the 1860s, bilingualism was enforced in the Bohemian lands (the historical region of Bohemia in the Austrian Empire), which called into question the status of German as the transnational, integrating, referential language (as argued by the German philosopher and translator Fritz Mauthner). Fritz Mauthner perceived bilingualism as an alienation from the German language and culture in a supranational, but also in a national sense. The 'language dispositif' used to describe these processes became the basis of his criticism.

BOOK REVIEW | LARRY SILVER | REVIEW PUBLISHED JANUARY 2025 |
Margaret, Duchess of Parma. The Emperor’s Daughter between Power and Image By Katrien Lichtert (curator)
MOU, Museum Oudenaarde, September 21, 2024 – January 1, 2025
Companion volume to exhibition edited by Katrien Lichtert. Veurne:
Hannibal Books, 2024. 240 pp, 131 color images + details. ISBN 978-94-
6494-133-3.

LINK: https://hnanews.org/hnar/reviews/margaret-duchess-of-parma-the-emperors-daughter-between-power-and-image/

The study explores the portrayal of Habsburg monarchs as Bohemian rulers in the 17th and 18th centuries. Royal portraits symbolized state power and legitimacy, appearing in public spaces, noble estates, monasteries, and urban homes. Often based on official templates, they reflected loyalty and dynastic identity while adapting to local contexts. Their removal during nationalist movements underscores their political and cultural importance.

Especially since the violent breakup of Yugoslavia, the history of Bosnian Muslims and their existence on European soil attracted the attention of many researchers. Due to this increased interest, the number of books and articles of different quality and importance also grew. The latest book in such a series is entitled "Imagining Bosnian Muslims in Central Europe: Representations, Transfers, and Exchanges" and was published by the Berghahn Books publisher in 2021. The book contains 13 chapters authored by researchers who already have addressed Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosnian Muslims in their earlier research. The chapters are preceded by an introduction (1-27) in which the editor František Šístek speaks about the motives which have led to the creation of this book, the terminology and concepts adopted in the book, and the topics of the chapters. Ladislav Hladký and Petr Stehlík authored the chapter "The 'Turkish Threat' and Early Modern Central Europe: Czech Reflections" (28-41). They point to the influence of the Ottoman conquests in Europe on the formation of the Habsburg Monarchy. The authors write about the importance and contribution of Czech lands in defence against the Ottoman Empire and about different perceptions of Turks that had developed in the area since the 16th century when the presentation of Turks as archenemies who plundered and oppressed Christian countries and populations began. This lasted until the second war, aus religiösen Gründen ein neues Besitzsystem eingeführt hätten. Die traditionalistisch-radikalen kadızadeli und ihr Einfluss auf die großen Angriffskriege des 17. Jh.s werden in diesem Zusammenhang gar nicht erwähnt. So kann man festhalten: der Titel des Buches ist irreführend. Aber selbst wenn der Verlag einen weniger reißerischen Aufmacher gewählt hätte, bliebe die Frage, was denn die vielen Jahrhunderte der Angriffskriege jenseits des reinen Beutemachens denn ideell geprägt hat? Bedeutet "muslimische Eroberung" nur, dass Muslime die wesentlichen Akteure waren? Oder trug die Eroberung einen islamischen Charakter? Der Verfasser beantwortet diese Fragen nicht. Er ist seinem Zugang treu geblieben, der eine technische Militärgeschichte mit einer klassischen Ereignisgeschichte verbindet. Und in diesem Rahmen ist sein Werk sehr gelungen. Ob dieser Rahmen aber auch künftig noch in einer weitgehend unhinterfragten Art Gültigkeit haben soll und haben kann, sollte die Osmanistik vertieft diskutieren.

The Territorial Extent of the Ottoman Occupation and the Role of Szabolcs County in the 16th–17th Centuries

The study of the territorial expansion of the Ottoman occupation, the assessment of double-taxation areas, and the exploration of Ottoman-Hungarian relations in the early modern period have played an important role in the work of historians focusing on the 16th and 17th centuries. Many scholars have examined the process of Ottoman settlement, the organization of border fortress troops, and patterns of conquest. Most research has concentrated on the territories directly under Ottoman control and the double-taxed zones, while the relationship of Szabolcs County to Ottoman rule has remained relatively underexplored.

Within the Kingdom of Hungary, Szabolcs County was unique in that it lay at the intersection of three competing spheres of influence: the Kingdom of Hungary, the Principality of Transylvania, and the Ottoman Empire. The changing tides of history demonstrated the strategic importance of this region and neighboring counties such as Szatmár, as these territories changed hands multiple times during the 17th century.

Szabolcs County’s significance was further enhanced by its location on an important international trade route, which passed through the customs station at Tokaj, continued to the region of Szepes (Spiš), then to Danzig (Gdańsk), and finally by ship to Amsterdam. Additionally, as a lowland area, the county was home to flourishing cattle and sheep breeding; of these, cattle breeding was particularly important, as Hungarian cattle were one of the most sought-after export goods of the period.

A török hódoltság területi kiterjedése, a kettős adózású területek felmérése, a korabeli török-magyar kapcsolatok kutatása fontos szerepet kapott a 16-17. századi történelem kutatóinak munkáiban. Többek tárgyalták a török berendezkedésének folyamatát, végvári katonaságuk berendezkedését, hódítási szokásaikat. A vizsgálódás jelentős része a Hódoltság területére, illetve a kettős adózású területek feltárására terjedt ki, és viszonylag érintetlenül hagyta Szabolcs megye viszonyát a török hódítással. A Magyar Királyságban Szabolcs vármegye volt egyetlen olyan terület, amely három érdekszféra-Magyar Királyság, Erdély, Török Hódoltság-határán feküdt. A történelem váltakozó eseményei igazolták a megye, illetve e megyék (például Szatmár) fontosságát, hiszen a 17. század folyamán több esetben is gazdát cseréltek. Szabolcs megye fontosságát növelte az is, hogy területén nemzetközi kereskedelmi út haladt a Tokaji vámon át a Szepesség, onnan pedig Danzig, majd hajón Amszterdam felé. Ezenkívül alföldi terület lévén, a megyében virágzott a szarvasmarha és juhtenyésztés is, amelyből az előbbi a kor egyik meghatározó magyar kereskedelmi terméke volt.

This review aims to evaluate various dimensions of James Falkner's recent work, Prince Eugene of Savoy: A Genius for War Against Louis XIV and the Ottoman Empire, first published in 2022. The book comprises 205 pages and is organized into twelve chapters, excluding the appendix and bibliography. Written in English, the work offers a chronologically structured account of Prince Eugene of Savoy's life and military career, with a particular focus on his campaigns against both the Ottoman Empire and France. Drawing upon archival materials and scholarly research in military history, Falkner's objective is to provide the reader with a detailed understanding of Prince Eugene's strategic and political acumen. The book successfully contextualizes his military engagements within the broader political dynamics of the late 17th and early 18th centuries. As such, it serves as a valuable resource for researchers, academics, and students interested in the military history of early modern Europe, particularly in the context of Habsburg-Ottoman and Habsburg-French relations.

Zdanlivo fádna, mierne zvlnená krajina Trnavskej tabule skrýva vo svojich údoliach dve ojedinelé, pomaly zanikajúce urbanistické zoskupenia letných sídel, ktoré pôvodne vlastnili trnavskí mešťania. Kto sa zo svahu niektorej terénnej vlny sústredenejšie pozrie po okolí, zistí, že i táto, človekom pretvorená krajina vinohradov a polí, s hrebeňom Malých Karpát na obzore, má svoje čaro. Nemožno sa čudovať, že atmosféra osád v Ružovej a Vlčej doline sa stala inšpiráciou a pozadím jedného z najznámejších románov polovice 20. storočia - Hečkovho Červeného vína.

Namjesnik Dalmacije za vrijeme Druge austrijske uprave, podmaršal Wenzel Alois Vetter Graf von Lilienberg (1831. – 1840.), po preuzimanju dužnosti odlučio je obići pokrajinu kako bi, po njegovim riječima, stekao vlastiti dojam i dobio valjane podatke o cjelokupnom socioekonomskom stanju. Putovanje koje je poduzeo trajalo je više od dvije godine, od 1832. do 1834. U detaljnom izvještaju vlastima u Beču iznio je opis provincije koji je obuhvaćao pregled zatečenog stanja i plan unaprjeđenja pokrajine. U jednom dijelu izvještaja iznosi opasku o Dalmatincima kao narodu koji ne mari za vlastite spomenike te ih uništava. Kao dokaz takvom ponašanju donosi crtež ulomka sarkofaga za koji piše da je iz Salone. Crtež i opis koji ga prati dio su čistopisa koji se čuva u Austrijskoj nacionalnoj knjižnici te do danas nisu objavljeni. Prikazani se spomenik čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zadru, a u suvremenoj se literaturi navodi da je iz okolice Zadra ili Biograda. Ovim istraživanjem, a na temelju arhivskih izvora, pokazuje se da je spomenik iz Salone, a da je u Zadar prenesen za vrijeme namjesništva grofa von Lilienberga.

Der Antisemitismus sei der »Sozialismus des dummen Kerls«, so lautete vom späten 19. Jahrhundert bis weit in die zweite Hälfte des 20. eine der dümmsten und abgedroschensten Behauptungen über den Antisemitismus. Dass dann der Sozialismus im Umkehrschluss als Antisemitismus des klugen Kerls interpretiert werden könnte, scheint niemandem aufgefallen zu sein.

Der Antisemit war der etwas begriffsstutzige, aber grundsätzlich liebenswerte Doppelgänger des Sozialdemokraten.

The Cetin fortress was one of the most important fortifications in the Croatian territory. Located in the area of Kordun, within the former Military Border, the Cetin fortress was one of the most significant historical sites of Croatia – it was the location where Croatian nobility elected Ferdinand Habsburg as king in 1527. At that time, Cetin was owned by the  Frankopans, the most prominent Croatian medieval noble family, but just a few decades later the fortress came under Ottoman rule. In the Ottoman possession, Cetin figured as one of the most important and most fortified border strongholds, which the Habsburg army recaptured with great effort, only during the Austro-Turkish War in 1790. Considering that the Ottomans successfully resisted the Habsburg attacks on the Croatian-Bosnian borderlands in the aforementioned war, the Ottoman bordermen perceived the loss of Cetin as an injustice and disgrace, which motivated them in the  following decades to make border incursions and even attempts to retake the fortress. In 1809 they even briefly occupied Cetin. This gave Cetin a new and important additional dimension as an object of Ottoman desire. By becoming a part of the Military Border, the Austrian authorities fortified Cetin further and turned it into a complex fortress at the outermost position towards the Ottoman Empire. However, with geopolitical, various internal, and changes within military system from the middle of the 19th century, Cetin became less and less important and gradually too expensive to maintain. Therefore, in the mid-1860s, a decision was made to abandon it. This plan caused a great stir within Croatian political and public arena,  and from the end of 1865 to the end of 1866 there was an engaged attempt by Croatian institutions to preserve Cetin. However, when the Croatian Parliament determined that very little remained of the mythical “medieval” Cetin, and that the fortifications of Cetin at that time were mainly from much later, Ottoman and Austrian periods, and that its further maintenance required huge financial resources, the Croatian Parliament finally gave up on the request to preserve the fortress. However, in an interesting twist, the ruler handed over the Cetin fort to the Szluiner Grenz Regiment and a prison was soon established there, which existed until 1875, when Cetin was finally sold to private buyers and then dismantled for building material. Regardless of the destruction, the Cetin fortress was so large and complex that its impressive remains still stand today. Since soon half a millennium will be marked since the election of Ferdinand Habsburg, and the history of Cetin is still generally poorly researched, this work is to be regarded as a contribution to filling in the historiographical gaps in anticipation of that important jubilee. The paper analyzes the reasons for the abandonment and sale of Cetin, the course of discussions and decision-making related to the abandonment and sale of the fortress, and
the construction state of Cetin during the period when it functioned as a prison.

Za nešto više od tri godine obilježit ćemo veliki jubilej-pola milenija od izbora nadvojvode Ferdinanda Habsburškoga za kralja na zasjedanju hrvatskog plemstva u Cetinu 1. siječnja 1527. Iako domaće plemstvo nije jednoglasno pristalo uz Habsburgovce, riječ je o jednom od prijelomnih trenutaka ugarsko-hrvatske povijesti. Proglašenje nadvojvode Ferdinanda hrvatskim kraljem odvilo se u crkvi franjevačkog samostana pored utvrde Cetin, tada u vlasništvu najmoćnije hrvatske srednjovjekovne obitelji, Frankopana, čija je jedna grana upravo i nosila pridjevak Cetinski. Pa ipak, unatoč toj činjenici te važnoj ulozi koju je utvrda/tvrđava imala u habsburško-osmanskom pograničnom ratovanju, o samom se Cetinu i dalje (pre)malo zna. Budući da do sada nije bilo istraženo zašto su i točno kada u drugoj polovini 19. stoljeća vojne vlasti napustile i prodale Cetin, u ovom ću radu odgovoriti na navedena pitanja-primarno na temelju arhivskoga gradiva pohranjenoga u fondovima Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva u Zagrebu.

Această serie de articole este o călătorie documentată, dar și afectivă, în inima unui oraș care și-a trăit modernitatea în tăcere și în piatră. Vom reconstrui, pas cu pas, acest mozaic al unei epoci: clădirile care au modelat spațiul public, administrația care a dat formă și ordine, școlile care au luminat mințile, bisericile care au sprijinit comunitatea, familiile care au lăsat urme în arhive și în memorie. Vom descoperi cum s-a ridicat turnul de apă, cum s-a organizat rețeaua de canalizare, cine a fost în fruntea primăriei și ce idealuri purtau dascălii vremii. Vom cerceta, cu grijă și respect pentru adevăr, urmele lăsate de o generație care a visat un altfel de Drăgășani – unul curat, educat, demn de un viitor strălucit ce avea să domnească peste veacuri.

This article has two goals: first, it aims to solve a mystery in Yiddish studies by identifying the previously unknown author of one of the earliest Eastern European modern literary texts in Yiddish, and reconstructing the historical context in which he wrote the text. Second, it will show how this archival-biographical discovery sheds new light on the history of Eastern European Jews during the Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815) as well as on the rise of Haskalah literature. Finally, as the title of this article suggests, I will argue that there was a direct link between narration and denunciation, between the Austrian imperial interest in collecting insider information about the Jews and the turn to writing literature in Jewish languages.

This short text looks at the changeable fate of a fine portrait of Margaret of Austria (formerly in the Kisters collection), that was declared a fake during the 'Women of Distinction' exhibition in Mechelen (2005). Following on from this scandal, the image disappeared for a while from public view. It was quitely sold in a private sale to the collector Aso I. Tavitian. In 2025, Sotheby's restored the painting's reputation and sold it for 1,400,000 $US.

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Please note this article is published with Brepols Publishers as a Gold Open Access article under a Creative Commons CC 4.0: BY-NC license.

The article is also freely available on the website of Brepols Publishers https://www.brepolsonline.net/action/showBook?doi=10.1484%2FM.HW-EB.5.116057 under this same license.

The events of 1848 and the political changes following the revolution in Hungary had lasting legal consequences in Croatia, more specifically in the Triune Kingdom of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia. Direct results of the “Springtime of Nations” can be recognized in the abolition of serfdom, i.e. of the feudal system, and the rising self-awareness in the attempts to regulate the relationships with the Crown, Hungary and other parts of the Empire. The indirect outcome, significant both on the national level and in an individual’ life, was the introduction of ABGB and the institutionally sanctioned reception of Roman law in the Triune Kingdom, which also meant that for a longer time there was to be in force the same civil code in the majority of Croatian lands. Additionally, the continued use of ABGB after 1861 meant the legal separation of Croatia (the Triune Kingdom of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia) from Hungary and an independent legal development, esp. in private law matters, after centuries of common legal tradition.

Geografie lingvistică Sânge Motto: "Că n-are bani de pensii, plânge/ Guvernul de «haiduci rataţi»/ Ce-i stoarce pe săraci «la sânge»/ Ca să-i ajute pe... bogaţi!" (Din nou sunt iertaţi marii datornici, de Marian Grigore Dobreanu, din Pledoarie pentru... , 2007