International Political Economy

La cooperación internacional al desarrollo ha sido divulgada como una operación<br />que se realiza con el objetivo de promover el desarrollo y crecimiento económico<br />de los países. Sin embargo, la cooperación no solamente se basa en la idea del<br />mejoramiento económico de los países sino también en las relaciones políticoeconómicas<br />que los países tienen y en la forma en que éstos administran los recursos.<br />Esto sugiere que el estudio de la cooperación debe abordar contextos, políticas e<br />ideales tanto de los cooperantes como de los beneficiarios. En el presente artículo<br />se desarrollaron dos modelos econométricos, estimados a través de datos panel.<br />Primero, un modelo de selectividad que hace referencia a la cantidad de dinero<br />desembolsado a sectores estratégicos de la economía por parte de los donantes y,<br />segundo, un modelo de eficacia de la cooperación para valorar la incidencia de l...

Heather Taylor (taylor@soz.uni-frankfurt.de) Andreas Nölke (a.noelke@soz.uni-frankfurt.de) Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main, Germany ... Paper Prepared for the ECPR Standing Group on Regulatory Governance Conference '(Re)Regulation in the Wake of Neoliberalism: ...

This is an important volume, containing contributions by an outstanding group of authors on some of the central issues of the Doha agenda negotiations. Distinguishing features of the volume include its comprehensive coverage of the issues, and the way the authors explain them in comprehensible terms, covering both the historical context and the debates currently raging in the WTO. ' -Will Martin,The World Bank, US Agricultural Policy Reform and the WTO provides insights into the effects of the Uruguay Round WTO agreement on agricultural policy and global markets, and considers what is at stake in the Doha Development Agenda Round.

Esta segunda parte, define el modelo dominado por las plataformas digitales que se nutre de aquellas operaciones características del capital, que extraen valor: la logística, la extracción y la financiarización. Una logística, que coordina la producción global extrayendo valor mediante flujos espaciales (cadenas de suministro transnacionales). Un extractivismo (extracción), que extrae valor del flujo de los datos, las subjetividades y la cooperación social, como modernas modalidades de explotación. Una financiarización que extrae valor del trabajo futuro comprometido para honrar la deuda. Estas operaciones del capital se inscriben en dinámicas espacio-temporales con resultados impredecibles, generando formaciones capitalistas histórica y geográficamente diferenciadas. El mercado mundial se reconfigura con cadenas de valor transnacionales y plataformas digitales, el trabajo se precariza (uberización) y la extracción de datos reemplaza la acumulación industrial clásica. Asistimos a un reordenamiento de la soberanía estatal, al desacople entre estado y territorialidad que autonomiza el territorio del estado-nación. Fenómeno que cuestiona la validez del imperialismo como tal, y rescata un capitalismo multipolar donde empresas como Amazon y Google actúan como poderes globales, desplazando a los Estados. EE.UU. pierde liderazgo sin que China lo reemplace plenamente, generando un sistema multipolar caótico

Este capítulo reconstrói as primeiras aproximações entre os representantes do governo colombiano e da regência brasileira em Londres, a capital que abrigava a mais influente comunidade de exilados, diplomatas e simpatizantes da independência na Europa. A iminente ruptura com a corte lusitana em meados de 1822 e a impossibilidade de obter o apoio das monarquias europeias para que o Império do Brasil fosse reconhecido como entidade independente de Portugal em 1823, levaram D. Pedro e seu círculo de conselheiros mais próximos a conceber uma diplomacia continental, baseada no estabelecimento de alianças políticas e militares com os governos do Novo Mundo para defender a emancipação e se opor à contrarrevolução americana e europeia.

Este artículo busca ubicar y discutir el proceso de colaboración entre las universidades brasileñas, paraguayas, argentinas y chilenas como una estrategia de internacionalización Sur-Sur, relacionada con el proyecto transnacional que involucra a los cuatro países. Es la articulación internacional y local de los asesores de relaciones internacionales de las universidades de estos países, en la constitución de la Red Universitaria de la Ruta de la Integración Latinoamericana (Unirila). La discusión se centra en situar al lector en el proceso de internacionalización e integración regional, la constitución de la red universitaria internacional, así como las potencialidades, los desafíos de integración con otros sectores involucrados y las perspectivas futuras.

This article interrogates the impact that the codification of the International Crime of Ecocide may have in addressing and curtailing the environmental harms produced by the chemical industry in Latin America and the Global South. We contend that the International Crime of Ecocide should challenge the historical narratives that have informed international law and its relationship with colonialism. The role that Monsanto/Bayer plays in ecocidal practices such as the development, testing, and use of Agent Orange as war technology is examined, and we demonstrate its connection with current uses of Glyphosate in the war on drugs. At the center of this reflection are the connections between the chemical corporation, state crime, war, and ecocide. This allows us to offer a broader picture of the sociolegal and criminogenic practices that have historically contributed to ecocide and the normalization of corporate impunity in the Global South, specifically after World War II.

China's engagements in Africa in recent decades have been both substantial and controversial. However, China's economic growth has slowed substantially in recent years due to issues such as trade wars, excessive debt and policy mistakes, with implications for overseas engagements, which have also suffered from their own contradictions. Consequently, new Chinese loans to Africa have precipitously declined in recent years, while other economic indicators are more mixed. Furthermore, other powers are also now vigorously contesting for 'space' on the continent. This paper examines whether or not there are indications we are now in a period of 'post-peak China in Africa' through a literature review, data analysis and a Zambian case study. While some vectors of economic engagement have decreased, and Zambia's geopolitical positionality shifted or reoriented towards the West, under US President Biden, China and its companies nonetheless retain substantial embedded influence. However, there are indications that a, if not 'the' peak, in the relationship has been reached, as the dialectics of power and economy are always in process and evolving.

Bu çalışmanın amacı Türkiye için döviz kuru, ithalat ve ihracat arasındaki nedensellik ilişkisini araştırmaktır. Bu amaçla, veriler Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Merkez Bankası Elektronik Veri Dağıtım Sisteminden elde edilmiştir. Araştırma dönemi üçer aylık 1989-2016 yıllarıdır. Analizde Toda-Yamamoto (1995) nedensellik testi kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen sonuçlara göre,istatistiksel olarakdeğişkenler arasında anlamlı bir nedensellik ilişkisi yoktur.

En el presente artículo he intentado realizar un desarrollo lógico y estructurado sobre el tratamiento que se le da hoy día a las coberturas sociales. He finalizado el mismo haciendo un pequeño llamamiento a la responsabilidad tanto colectiva como individual.

The overall performance of the judicial system is determined by the individual productivity of its members. The objective of the study was to ascertain the influence of performance reward on employee productivity in the judiciary.The study adopted a descriptive survey design. The study censured all the 286 targeted respondents. The censure composed of 16 judicial officers and 270. The study had a response rate of 210 respondents which is 73.43% of the censured population. Purposive sampling was used to select judicial officers while censure method was employed in selecting judicial staff. The study use questionnaires and interview schedule as tools of data collection. Data collected from respondents was analysed using both descriptive and inferential statistics by use of the Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) and presented inform in tables and figures using percentages, mean and frequencies. The study found out that there was inadequate adoption of performance reward ...

This study aims to understand the effects that Brazilian external politics exerts on foreign capital flow into the country in the respective periods of government, starting in1947. The subject is justified by the existence of a large volume of resources available in the international financial market and by the rapid adaptation of the poorer countries to the regulations defined by the investors. A theoretical reference was made to allow the hypothesis confirmation that an aligned external politics with the developed countries is fundamental to an increase of the foreign direct investments in Brazil. To verify scientifically this hypothesis, a search in two parts was done: a survey of documents about the Brazilian external politics definition with the respective content analysis, and, a quantitative analysis for the confirmation of qualitative analysis. The results obtained allowed to confirm the hypothesis that the alignment with developed countries, with the increase of direct inve...

The conflict between India and Pakistan is evolving rapidly after the attack on Indian tourists in Kashmir in April 2025. The Indian Prime Minister proclaimed that this murderous attack would not remain a secret and attributed responsibility to the Pakistani secret services. Early last week India bombed Kashmiri independence camps, and Pakistan retaliated with air raids. The confrontation has escalated, with the Indian Prime Minister threatening to withdraw from the Indus River and tributaries water management agreement between India and Pakistan, signed in 1960. This likely water war poses a serious threat of famine for Pakistan, which could further aggravate the ongoing conflict with India. What's more, the nuclear threat is already present.

This article explores socio-political landscapes in the South Caucasus through lyrical sociology with an emphasis on memory, political positions and intergenerational relations. Focusing on young people, we leverage original quantitative and qualitative data. Armenian youth demonstrate the strongest generational continuity, the most positive view of the Soviet past and the imprint of a left-wing monolithic nationbuilding process. In Azerbaijan, memories of Soviet times are ambiguous, the generational rupture is mild and the national self-understanding reflects patterns of 'civic dominion'. In Georgia, memories of the Soviet Union are mostly negative, the generational rupture is noticeable and the nation-building project is informed by multiple conflicting perspectives.

The entire process of Korean economic development in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s demonstrated the possibility of economic development in the third world. The 1997 financial crisis led many to affirm that the Korean state had lost its ability to deal with domestic economic and welfare policies. Using Cerny's three "shifts" in the character and nature of the welfare state, this paper examines changes in the Korean state after the economic crisis and assesses whether globalization and neo-liberal economic restructuring have resulted in the emergence of a new type of state in Korea. The results suggest that although globalization undermines the economic and political conditions on which the developmental state was based, there is no indication that the developmental interventionist state, which had been a crucial feature of Korea's industrialization process over the past few decades, has actually weakened. Rather, as compared with previous regimes, the state has become more powerful and more interventionist. Despite a convergence in national economic policies toward the economic paradigm of the competition state, there are still unique domestic responses to globalization according to different national economic ideologies and past practices.

The entire process of Korean economic development in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s demonstrated the possibility of economic development in the third world. The 1997 financial crisis led many to affirm that the Korean state had lost its ability to deal with domestic economic and welfare policies. Using Cerny's three "shifts" in the character and nature of the welfare state,

Este capítulo analisa a fraude financeira na dívida subnacional brasileira a partir do caso do empréstimo de Alagoas em 1906, durante a Primeira República. Realizado no contexto da globalização financeira da Belle Époque, o episódio envolveu elites locais, bancos franceses e financistas anglo-brasileiros, em um ambiente marcado por baixa regulação e forte influência de redes sociais. Enviado a Paris para salvar a operação, o político José de Barros Wanderley de Mendonça desviou recursos, especulou com fundos públicos, vendeu títulos duplicados e levou uma vida luxuosa. A crise política em Alagoas levou à sua demissão, fuga, prisão e morte na França em 1928. O default do empréstimo gerou escândalo no Brasil e expôs os riscos da autonomia fiscal estadual. O caso revela como a combinação de regulação frágil, má conduta individual e redes informais facilitou práticas fraudulentas e ilustra a inserção de financistas latino-americanos em circuitos financeiros globais.

Ten years after the crisis, contradictions of a globalized capitalist economy rear their heads. The trade war between US and China provides surprising insights on its reorganization. China, an industrial powerhouse, claims respectability as an indispensable stakeholder in international regimes, as a challenged US retreats behind protectionism and punishing bilateralism.

The subject is sustainable development from the perspective of Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Jordan to find an answer to the main research question of whether the trilateral Israel-Jordan-United Arab Emirates agreement on energy and water will impact Jordan’s efforts at the mitigation of climate change and peaceful cooperation. For this purpose, quantitative, qualitative, and text analysis methods have been adopted. The theoretical perspectives applied are constructivism, international role theory, and adaptation theory, which helped to answer the research question. It is the statement that the tripartite agreement will impact Jordan’s efforts to mitigate climate change, but with a minimal local scope. However, it may be crucial and of greater significance for peaceful cooperation in the Middle East.

In der Debatte über den Ukrainekrieg leiten Pazifisten und Moralbellizisten ihre Handlungsmaximen gleichermaßen aus historischen Analogien und normativen Prinzipien ab. Die Überzeugungen mögen andere sein, die philosophische Wurzel aber ist dieselbe: der deutsche Idealismus.

This Special Issue questions the problem of international interventions’ persistence and multidimensionality by asking what
makes interventions still relevant and for whom. In this introduction, we advance a dialectical understanding of interventions
to study their diverse modalities and enduring mechanisms of order-making, with specific attention to space, time, and scale.
We elaborate on Laura Doyle’s interimperial method to highlight interventions’ relational, transformative, and durable aspects. We interpret interventions as coconstituted by diverse, overlapping, and contradictory rationales and modalities. We
stress the intertwined histories and practices of interventions as integral components of colonial modernity in relation to
empires, imperialism, and their contemporary rearticulations. As a method, we identify three key historical processes for a
dialectical understanding of intervention: the coformation of interventions’ state-building, economic development, and cultural practices; the coproduction of institutions and infrastructural systems; and the cumulative accretion of interventions’
infrastructures and imaginaries.

The WTO used the term "significant slippage" to qualify changes in protection during Fall 2008 and Winter 2009. Most newspapers translated these terms into "rise of protectionism." Evoking such a rise is premature. It is crucial to address this statement because it offers a huge tactical advantage to protectionist interests. • it makes it much more difficult for governments to push for more liberalization when everybody else is-allegedly-busy raising protection. • since nothing bad will flow from such a "rise of protection" (since there is none) protectionist lobbies can claim that raising protection does not have the dire effects that economists predict, and they will quickly ask for more protection.

While there is an increasing demand for a discipline in the next generation FTAs that restricts SOEs in international trade, there is less debate on the proliferation of sovereign patent funds (SPFs) that are increasingly using intellectual property to engage in discriminatory industrial policy in an attempt to augment the competitiveness of ailing national champions against foreign competition. Some SPFs, like France Brevets, even admit to being retaliatory or discriminatory instruments against foreign actors regardless of whether the original claim is legitimate or not. Such use of intellectual property by government controlled entities threatens to become a new trade defense instrument like antidumping or countervailing duties. However, such mercantilist tactics by mid-sized economies are futile, as they only serve to legitimise similar behavior by bigger economies like China that are actively pursuing industrial policy through defensive use of patents through R&D funding, public...

The WTO used the term "significant slippage" to qualify changes in protection during Fall 2008 and Winter 2009. Most newspapers translated these terms into "rise of protectionism." Evoking such a rise is premature. It is crucial to address this statement because it offers a huge tactical advantage to protectionist interests. • it makes it much more difficult for governments to push for more liberalization when everybody else is-allegedly-busy raising protection. • since nothing bad will flow from such a "rise of protection" (since there is none) protectionist lobbies can claim that raising protection does not have the dire effects that economists predict, and they will quickly ask for more protection.

This paper first aims at assessing the economic and political importance of Mercosur for the EU's interests in the short and medium run -say for the one or two coming decades or so. As Mercosur's size is largely determined by Brazil's size, this paper focuses on Brazilalthough the paper assumes that, from Brazil's perspective, a Brazil-EU preferential trade agreement (PTA) is a non-starter. It then aims at positioning the Mercosur-EU (MEU) PTA in the context of the EU's current trade policy. In particular, it tries to assess, once one takes into account all the crucial goals to be met by the EU, whether the EU is likely to find the time and the resources necessary for dealing properly with a MEU PTA; this effort is notably complicated by the very divergent views on the role of trade between Brazil on the one hand, and Argentina and Venezuela, on the other hand. Finally, the paper examines the PTA options that can be seen as reasonably feasible. It suggests that, unless there are dramatic changes in Mercosur's present trajectory, the goal of negotiating a fully-fledged MEU PTA should be set aside for some time -at least a decade or so. This does not mean leaving the negotiating table, but rather focusing on negotiating topics that remain attractive to both sides in the current context, and manageable and flexible enough to overcome the broad general problems confronted by Mercosur and the EU. This study was prepared in the context of the CEPS-FRIDE project on the EU-Brazil Strategic Partnership, funded by the Gulbenkian Foundation. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS' research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily represent any institution with which he is affiliated.

Abstract: The European Union's recent trade policy strategy towards China, which focuses on bilateral market access and involves a strong U S-style confrontational stance, is ineffective and short-sighted. Today there exists no genuine dialogue between China and ...

Designing the European Union (EU) trade policy towards China is a daunting challenge for three reasons. First, China (like the US) has a fully-fledged foreign policy, allowing its trade policy to focus on business issues, but also to be occasionally the continuation of its foreign policy. Europe (that is, the EU and its Member States) has not such a luxury. Second, trade negotiations are not yet driven by the same dynamics in China and in the EU. Many Chinese firms have not yet developed the same level of efforts than the EU firms for making their case to the trade authorities, and the Chinese press covers less extensively the world news that the EU press. Hence, the Chinese trade authorities still enjoy a large freedom of manoeuvre in trade matters, while China's trading partners have hard time to "mobilize" their potential Chinese allies on issues of common interest. Last but not least, although Europe will be a "diminishing giant", it will still be larger and richer than China during the next twenty years, bearing more responsibility than China in building sound future bilateral relations (like the US did with Europe fifty years ago, when Europe was hesitating between market economy and central planning, and their associated political regimes). Europe will continue to become richer while China will catch up. But, meanwhile, the EU may have hard times to resist to the temptation of exploiting short-lived advantages "before it is too late", while rising China may be tempted to procrastinate until it could enjoy its full strength. In such extraordinary times, Europe should choose carefully its objectives, and assess thoroughly the opportunities lost when insisting too long and/or too much on a topic. It

On November 10, 2001, China was accepted as a full WTO member. A few weeks earlier, China's chief negotiator Long Yongtu had put “stricter rules on antidumping” second in rank among China priorities in the WTO. At that time, the United States was still fighting for ...

Perceptions play a critical role in international affairs. Politicians must be able to consider and forecast both challenges and opportunities. Public opinion has the power to change the course of politics. As the world becomes more interconnected, it's critical to comprehend how China is perceived and how this affects China's global effect. Although it only makes up a small part of overall Chinese OFDI, this investment class has recently drawn interest because of its sectoral and geographic diversification. Nigeria has been one of China's top 40 trading partners for more than five decades. For some time, it has been the leading African investment destination for Chinese investment in the continent. The pursuit of multilateral agreements has a significant effect on how countries engage in the political and economic realm. This study used both quantitative and qualitative methods. The study adopted simple random sampling techniques to allow for equal and unbiased respondents' participation in the primary data collection. The response scale was base on a 1 -5 points Likert scale. Secondary data was sourced from archival materials, published books or scholarly works, the internet, international organization official documents, journals, press releases, newspapers. The overall research accepts the study's alternative hypothesis, which shows that perhaps the ten outlined perceptions of Nigerians towards Chinese FDIs and its acceptability are heavily influenced by the success of FDI by Chinese investors and businesses in Nigeria's market climate. The importance and positive outcomes of such FDI are heavily reliant on Nigerian perceptions of Chinese FDI and their acceptability and the investment target region.

Editors: Henri Onodera, Martta Kaskinen & Eija Ranta
Contributors: Yahia Benyamina, Angela Chukunzira, Reem Garfi, Banhishikha Ghosh, S.A. Hamed Hosseini, Martta Kaskinen, Mirjam Le, Karim Maïche, Job Mwaura, Franziska Susana Nicolaisen, Tony Nyundu, Henri Onodera, Geoffrey Pleyers, Sarah A. Radcliffe, Eija Ranta, Aracely Rodriguez Malagón and Karim Zakhour

Citizenship Utopias in the Global South is an edited collection of empirical research that explores emergent forms of activism in Africa, Asia, and Latin America in times of multiple crises. At the intersection of hope and disillusionment, the diverse and thought-provoking chapters investigate emerging forms of activism in the Global South – including youth activisms, anti-racism struggles, feminist initiatives, online dissent, and Indigenous movements.

In the 2020s, many parts of the world are witnessing contradictory processes of popular claims to rights, livelihoods, and social justice, and subsequent forms of populist authoritarianism and the securitization of civil society. Previously hopeful calls for dignity, democracy, and social justice – through protesting, strikes, civil society campaigns, legal reforms, and elections, for example – have been met with disdain and civic disengagement. This book investigates the re-imagination and pursuit of citizen activism in such times of popular disillusionment. It explores citizenship utopias as social imaginaries that are enacted and that articulate an ideal social order or democratic polity with ideal forms of experiencing citizenship. Its chapters interrogate conventional approaches to citizenship by introducing a nuanced and empirically grounded exploration of the complex ways in which people experience, negotiate, and engage in the societal changes that they aspire towards. The examination of citizenship utopias outlines contemporary signals for transformative futures and their possibilities.

The book undertakes a fresh effort at contributing to the shifting terrain of critical development studies, political anthropology, political sociology, and decolonising scholarship by engaging in discussions about citizenship, activism, disillusionment, and future societal alternatives in times of multiple global challenges.

and to participants of seminars at the United Nations, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the World Bank. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the UNCTAD Secretariat or UNDP.

Al identificar de qué forma la pertenencia de Brasil al grupo de los BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica) incide en sus relaciones con la Unión Europea (UE), este artículo busca ilustrar las posibilidades y limitaciones de sus respectivas políticas exteriores, especialmente en relación con el Sur Global que los BRICS asumen representar. Se aplica un esquema de análisis triangular, que reconoce la importancia de actores poderosos que moldean el contexto, pero que enriquece la comprensión de las relaciones entre actores de menor poder, al incorporar factores económicos e identitarios intrínsecos. Se argumenta que, desde su creación, el grupo de los BRICS ha afectado la relación Brasil-UE al reforzar las aspiraciones económicas brasileñas y provocar cambios en su discurso gubernamental. El artículo se apoya en la revisión y comparación de literatura publicada y en el análisis del contenido del discurso de documentos y declaraciones oficiales.

Modern Monetary Theory emerges as a plausible alternative to solve Turkey’s staggering unemployment problem. This proposed solution here is the introduction of job guarantee program, which produces a non-discretionary automatic stabilizer that fosters both price stability and full employment. As a monetary sovereign, Turkey has the capacity to use deficit spending to bring growth and provide full employment to the millions who are in involuntary unemployment. The goal here is to tame the business cycles without throwing millions into unemployment, which has social and economic ramifications. In the absence of job creation by the private sector, this can be achieved through the use of government, providing job guarantees and the state acting as an employer of last resort by creating public projects, which will be cyclically adjusted in order to achieve full employment. 

Employers in the formal sector in Myanmar actively discriminate on the basis of gender, age and education levels. Most employers prefer hiring young unmarried women. Participation in the labor force declines significantly after the age of 25. Women are generally expected to stay home to do reproductive and household work for the family. This study examines the internal and external factors that play a role in limiting women’s participation in the labor market in Myanmar. Direct quotes from interviewees provide a glimpse of the realities of being a working woman in Myanmar

This article demonstrates how white middle-class heterosexual cisgender women's stories in International Relations (IR) tend to reproduce plots affording anonymity and whitewashing expertise. It shows how Laura Shepherd's The Self, and Other Stories reproduced those plots. In response, it also tells stories about "I," a low-class non-binary character of color inspired by existing (post)/(de)colonial trans/feminist/ queer scholarship in IR, and analyzes how such character would read and reveal the silences of white middle-class heterosexual cisgender women's narratives. Then, this article moves to an autonomous transfeminist remaking of the plots when kinship is needed to make a critique, and whiteness and expertise are not required.

Petroleum is a gift of nature deposited under the earth's surface. The 'black gold' as it is generally called, is viewed as a treasure that has the capabilities of transforming the social and economic fortunes of any country. This study explores risk management in Nigeria oil and gas sector with reference to management of government equities in the Nigerian oil and gas sector. A survey design was used for the study. By means of questionnaire, primary data was obtained from randomly selected members of the sampled organisations. The research hypotheses were subjected to chi-square analysis. Analysis was based on fifty-three copies of questionnaire filled and retrieved out of seventy-five questionnaires administered to employees of NNPC, NLNG and Shell companies in Nigeria. Findings from the study revealed some deficiencies in the way government equities in the Nigerian oil and gas sector are being managed, such lapses include government undue interference, lack of transparency, absence of established positive culture and too much bureaucracy. The study concludes that the Nigerian government equities in the oil and gas sector are not effectively managed; the fiscal policy in Nigeria's oil and gas sector is inadequate; NNPC as presently constituted is not managing government equities invested in oil and gas JV agreements. Among the recommendations of the study include: the government should monitor returns on equities in the oil and gas sector in Nigeria; the government and stakeholders need the establishment a good culture and practice to ensure profitable ownership and collaboration.

"We must speak up and exchange ideas how to have a new Palermo Convention or to bring changes into the existing one, prescribing transnational criminal activities by organized crime as crimes against humanity and, as such, prosecutable by an international body and then adjudicated by an international court."
That was my main idea in this speech presented in World Jurists Congress 2025, in Santo Domingo (05.05.2025). This paper is my full speech of the 9-th Panel on the topic "Challenges of International Criminal Justice".

Dado que en el país no existe un consenso sobre la crítica situación actual que atraviesa la economía boliviana, de sus causas y de las medidas para superarla, el documento tiene por objeto, en primer lugar, proponer un punto de partida mínimo común centrado en el corto plazo y en la caracterización de la crisis económica por la erupción de la crisis cambiaria en 2023 en el contexto de una crónica crisis fiscal, que se arrastra desde 2014 junto con una continua caída de las reservas internacionales, asociada inicialmente a un shock externo de precios, después a un shock interno de caída de la producción y la oferta exportable de hidrocarburos que derivó en una balanza negativa de combustibles y, finalmente, al cierre del mercado argentino como destino del gas natural boliviano. En segundo lugar, la idea es discutir la viabilidad de las medidas que actualmente circulan como el ajuste fiscal y monetario-cambiario y, en tercer lugar, proponer medidas de corto plazo consistentes en la creación de un Fondo de Estabilización y Reservas junto a un shock de confianza, requisito previo para la aplicación de medidas de ajuste fiscal y otras opciones de política cambiaria. Al final, se presentan las conclusiones y recomendaciones enfatizando que para enfrentar la crítica situación actual se requerirán no solo de buenas políticas económicas y un acuerdo político consensuado, sino también de la buena suerte con una alineación favorable de los astros.

The new challenges and opportunities created by the spread of globalization have reshaped both institutional and individual responses to this phenomenon. This comprehensive analysis of the way in which governments and firms have responded to globalization examines closely the options available to both, and the historical and institutional contexts to the strategic decisions made. Responding to Globalization draws together a panel of international experts in a conceptually rigorous examination of the profound impact of globalization.

Whether it’s during a period of recession, geopolitics tensions or during an emerging stage of innovation and entrepreneurship, it has become relevant to be aware that ‘ Vulnerability’ increases the risk of ‘ Protectionism’.
Unfortunately, the current move towards a ‘ Price-sensitive, Fast-growing, Fast-moving, Fast-changing, Hyper volatility, Hyper mobility, Hyper connectivity, Hyper complexity, Hyper vulnerability and Hyper competitive World Economy on the one hand and the ‘ Restoration of Barbary War’, the Vicious Circle of Increase Twin Deficits with its associated Decrease of Domestic and Foreign Investments and the fact that Failures, Incivility, Violence of all kinds, Fear, Anger, Chaos, Disorder and willing to ‘ Play a Revenge Card’ at all levels are becoming Normal Accidents on the second hand are transforming the 21st century into an Era of Protectionism. Furthermore, Rodrik, Dani and Francisco Rodriguez (2000) found little evidence that open trade policies, in the sense of lower tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade-are significantly associated with economic growth.
As a result, it could be very stupid to obsessional blame President Trump for the Trade War.
However, it’s relevant for President Donald Trump to be aware of the ‘ Capitalisation and Destructive Effects of Trade War in order to fix the Destructive Effects while improving the Capitalisation ones.

Key Words: Recession, Geopolitics Tensions; Vulnerability; Protectionism; Trump Trade War.

L'articolo analizza l'annessione della Crimea da parte della Russia nel quadro dell'assetto sociale, politico e istituzionale ucraino e dell'evoluzione nei rapporti fra il Cremlino e l'Occidente nel corso del 2014. Alla luce di tali due elementi, ripercorre le tappe fondamentali del caso crimeano: l'autodeterminazione, la secessione ed infine l'annessione. Secondo l'Autore l'annessione della Crimea segna una svolta nella direzione della politica estera di Mosca; difatti è divenuto più determinato l'impegno russo a contrapporsi con tutti i mezzi alle potenze occidentali nello spazio postsovietico europeo, caratterizzatosi come l'epicentro dell'inasprimento del conflitto est/ovest. In tale prospettiva, la Russia si vuole affermare come attore indipendente, rivendicando rispetto e considerazione per i propri interessi nazionali non solo sul piano politico-strategico ma anche su quello etnico-culturale.