Political Anthropology

Much contemporary research on prefigurative legality turns to left-leaning activists for ethnographic insights into practices that call forward an alternative legal world. We turn instead to a right-leaning movement commonly known by scholars as the Pseudolaw movement-or self-named (by some involved) as the sovereign citizen movement-filled with loosely affiliated groups that share a common ideological approach to law. We discuss the underlying logics motivating sovereign citizens' practices, discussing how a nostalgically based form of prefiguration shapes sovereign citizens' responses to contemporary neoliberal dilemmas. We then compare this right-leaning movement's approach to prefigurative legality with the approach of left-leaning activists.

Византийское происхождение древнерусского знака Э: за и против Исследователи древнерусского певческого искусства уже с нача ла XX века отмечали наличие особого знака Э в записи песнопений поздних древнерусских мелизматических распевовпутевого и демественного 1. 1 См. обзор литературы по данной теме в ст. Е. Е. Воробьёва «В поисках транс крипции знака Э в русских невменных партитурах» в данном сборнике.

This open access book explores the hidden politics of time—the chronopolitics—that profoundly shapes the contours of academic life and knowledge production in contemporary universities. Moving beyond familiar critiques of academic acceleration, Ulrike Felt explores the diversity of time generators and the resultant complex, multilayered timescapes that govern scholarly work and life. The book examines the tensions inherent in models of linear careers and in simultaneous experiences of speed and waiting, and asks questions about the ownership of time. In doing so, it scrutinizes relations between time and quality, and points to the impact of time on how and what we can know, revealing how these temporal regimes create deep asynchronicities and fragmentations and perpetuate injustices and exclusions. Arguing for a more mindful approach to research, Felt advocates for rethinking academia through the lens of time, emphasizing the need for temporal care work in order to achieve sustainable and responsible change. Aimed at researchers, academic leaders, and policymakers, the book offers a compelling vision for a more responsive, long-term, and equitable academic future—one that challenges neoliberal models that prioritise speed, competitiveness, and efficiency.

This article precedes a selection of papers written as a result of the seminar on the anthropology of bureaucracy in modern Russia. The text offers a brief overview of the development of research into bureaucracy, where studies are mainly made in a polemic with Max Weber's model of the "ideal" bureaucracy. It considers the most significant works that preceded the emergence of an interest in bureaucracy on the part of social scientists, written in the fields of political science and sociology and united by the method of participant observation. The authors pay attention to the difficulties in distinguishing the anthropology of bureaucracy as an independent field, which, on the one hand, is integrated into political anthropology and on the other hand, tends towards the social studies of professions. The article suggests understanding the anthropology of bureaucracy primarily as a certain viewpoint focusing on how management is implemented and how the "state" is reproduced and felt within bureaucratic institutions. The authors distinguish several popular areas in the field of social research into bureaucracy: critical works analyzing primarily the structural violence of bureaucrats against citizens through client classifications, bureaucratic arbitrariness, etc.; works that focus on the moral and affective aspect of bureaucracy, including the moral dilemmas of employees and their feelings; works devoted to the material world of bureaucracy, where documents become important participants in social interaction; research on the experience of interaction with bureaucracy as a client. In addition, the article provides an overview of existing studies (mainly) of the street-level Russian bureaucracy, performed using anthropological methods within the boundaries of different disciplines.

In the expanded second edi2on of Poli%cs and Vision (2004) Sheldon S. Wolin devotes an en2re chapter to Friedrich Nietzsche, a figure omiHed from the original 1960 edi2on. Wolin's Nietzsche is a deeply poli2cal thinker who would do away with liberal democracy on the grounds that it fosters a "herd mentality": an aHrac2on to security and docility that disguises itself as an altruis2c concern for humanity. At the heart of Nietzsche's philosophy, Wolin argues, is the concept of power. Nietzsche held that life itself is the "will to power," understood as the drive to increase one's strength and impose one's will. In Nietzsche's view as Wolin understands it, all human ins2tu2ons are expressions of power rela2ons, not of jus2ce or morality. By making power the central value, Nietzsche denied the liberal democra2c hope that poli2cs could accommodate reasonable delibera2on and the recogni2on of equal rights, instead conceiving of it as an arena of conflict, struggle, and domina2on. Culture, not parliaments and certainly not bureaucracies, is according to Nietzsche the real shaper of humanity. Governance for Nietzsche could not be about law or procedure but must focus instead on whatever is required to cul2vate a certain type of personality, one who is selfconfident, asser2ve, domineering, and comfortable with his superiority to the majority. Instead of focusing on policies and principles, then, Nietzsche was concerned with the "revalua2on of values." Accordingly, he offered no vision of an adequate or ideal poli2cal associa2on -a fatal flaw for Wolin -and instead undertook a kind of cultural revolu2on against modern liberalism. Nietzsche's celebra2on of strength naturally lends itself to an aristocra2c poli2cs for which "the poli2cal way of life … has never been … for the many but only for 'the best.'" Wolin sees Nietzsche as longing for a "new elite" to reshape culture. This is part of what Wolin calls Nietzsche's "cult of the excep2onal," the idea that human greatness is achieved only by rare individuals who are not inhibited by the "herd" and its norms. In contrast to the "last men" of modernity, who are complacent, peHy, and devoid of crea2vity, the Übermensch represents a future type who will overcome the nihilism of the modern age by crea2ng a new myth that celebrates domina2on through crea2ve achievement. Wolin thus portrays Nietzsche as an unrelen2ng cri2c of liberal democra2c ins2tu2ons. Nietzsche rejected egalitarian ideals, endorsed a poli2cs of raw power, priori2zed crea2ve individuals over the democra2c herd, and denied ra2onal and moral constraints in favor of myth and struggle. While acknowledging the value Nietzsche's analysis of nihilism and conformity, Wolin places far more weight on Nietzsche's an2-egalitarian and an2-ra2onalist stance and finds in it a dangerous repudia2on of "the poli2cal" as an explicitly shared or common form of life. If Wolin's picture of Nietzsche as a poli2cal thinker sounds familiar, that may partly be because it resembles Alfred Bäumler's explicitly pro-Nazi interpreta2on in Nietzsche: The Philosopher and Poli%cian (1931), which is typically dismissed (by Wolin's colleague Walter Kaufman, for

ce qui est fait, c"est à dire le décalage qui puisse exister entre ce que déclare l"Etat et les moyens qu"il met en oeuvre pour réaliser ses objectifs 1 . Etant ainsi, la politique étrangère d"un Etat doit satisfaire un certain nombre de critères : Elle est conçue comme telle uniquement lorsqu"elle émane de l"acteur étatique à travers ses représentants officiels 2 . Les politiques que peuvent poursuivre certains acteurs transe ou infra étatiques sont exclus bien qu"ils jouent, de plus en plus, un rôle important dans les relations internationales contemporaines 3 . Elle ne se réduit pas aux relations extérieures de l"Etat, celles ci ne sont qu"un aspect particulier lié à la mise en oeuvre de celle là. Elle est présumée être rationnelle 4 , et par conséquent, susceptible d"être étudiée en tant que telle. Elle ne saurait être le résultat d"un déterminisme quelconque interne ou externe 5 . Car, elle se situe « …à la charnière du système politique et du système international » 6 . Elle est, enfin, un processus qui se déroule à l"intérieur de l"environnement interne du système politique à un moment donné de son histoire. La difficulté inhérente aux choix et à l"établissement d"un cadre d"analyse opérationnel s"aggrave lorsqu"il est question d"analyser le comportement extérieur des Etats du tiers monde 7 . Car, aux problèmes théorico épistémologiques déjà existants, se juxtaposent une série de problèmes liés au culte du secret de la politique étrangère, au manque de liberté de presse et à l"absence quasi totale d"informations sur le processus de prise des décisions politiques 8 , en particulier, et sur les différents processus politiques en général, gardés souvent à l"abri des débats publics et d"interpellation. Il en résulte que la plupart des démarches avancées en matière de politique étrangère sont valables, presque uniquement, pour les Etats développés du centre, puisqu"elles mettent l"accent explicitement ou implicitement sur les facteurs endogènes dans son élaboration ainsi que sur l"étendu du champ de manoeuvre dont disposent les décideurs politiques. Or, dans le cas des Etats du tiers monde, il en est autrement, puisque leur situation d"Etats périphériques 9 , et dépendants 10 , dans un système mondial stratifié basé sur des rapports centre-périphérie, détermine largement

This is a collection of essays on the Maasai. The book is richly illustrated with color- and black and white photos. My fieldwork was carried out in Ngorongoro (Tanzania) in the 1980s, but the essays have a new relevance since the Maasai are currently facing imminent eviction due to the hardening conservation policies in Tanzanian Maasailand. This disturbing situation - what I call the pastoral predicament - is described in the two final essays and updated with recent data from Ngorongoro in the Epilogue.

Među pluralnim društvima na području bivše Jugoslavije Bosna i Hercegovina i Severna Makedonija primeri su konsocijalne demokratije a Crna Gora još uvek traga za institucionalnim aranžmanima koji bi omogućili zaštitu interesa i identiteta ključnih nacionalnih grupa u demokratskom miljeu. U akademskoj literaturi se postavlja pitanje da li je konsocijalna demokratija odgovarajuće rešenje za Crnu Goru ili je primerenija demokratija konsenzusa, tj. "blaži lek" koji Lijphart propisuje pluralnim ali i kulturno homogenim društvima. U tekstu istražujem taj problem iz ugla teorijske literature i uporednih primera, naročito na području bivše Jugoslavije, kao i iz perspektive evolucije političkih i kulturnih podela u Crnoj Gori posle socijalizma. Sažeti odgovor jeste da konsocijalna demokratija nije rešenje u kontekstu fluidnih identiteta u Crnoj Gori, uprkos značajne političke i kulturne polarizacije u poslednjih četvrt veka. Demokratija konsenzusa pruža fleksibilnije aranžmane koji omogućavaju predstavljanje i saradnju relevantnih grupa u demokratskom miljeu. Pad nedemokratske i nacionalno isključive vlasti DPS-a omogućio je uspostavljanje takvih aranžmana.

Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia are examples of consociational democracy among plural societies in the former Yugoslavia while Montenegro is still in search of democratic arrangements to safeguard the interests and identities of key ethnonational groups. Is consensus democracy, i.e., the “weaker medicine” that Lijphart advises for both plural and culturally homogeneous societies, more appropriate for Montenegro than consociational democracy? I examine this problem from theoretical and comparative perspectives taking into account the evolution of political and cultural divisions in Montenegro after communism. A succinct answer is that consociational democracy is not a solution in the context of fluid and overlapping identities in Montenegro despite major political and cultural polarization in the last quarter century. Consensus democracy provides more flexible arrangements for the representation and cooperation of key ethnonational groups in the democratic context. The fall of authoritarian and ethnonationally exclusive rule by the DPS opened space for the construction of such democratic arrangements.

LIURAI: THE ROLE OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS IN THE HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF TIMOR-LESTE

A Historical, Cultural, and Strategic Inquiry Toward a Sovereign Nation Founded on Cultural Identity

In the turbulent and protracted course of Timor-Leste’s history, the liurai—traditional leaders—have long served as foundational pillars of the sociocultural and spiritual order of society. However, their historical and strategic significance has often been marginalized within the official narratives of the nation-state.

This book emerges as a scholarly and cultural endeavor to systematically and objectively reconstruct the contributions of the liurai from the prehistoric period, through Portuguese colonization and Indonesian occupation, to the era of independence. Structured into five parts and sixteen chapters, this volume integrates historical inquiry, international theoretical frameworks, and indigenous wisdom still vibrant within customary communities. More than an academic treatise, LIURAI stands as a cultural and political manifesto—a clarion call affirming that the future of a sovereign and just Timor-Leste must be built upon the foundations of its ancestral identity and customary values.

This is an essential reading for anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of Timor-Leste—academics, policymakers, students, and all citizens who cherish their ancestral homeland.

Author:
Salustiano Filipe Ximenes
Dili, Timor-Leste, May 7, 2025

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The paper examines the rise of socio-political (cultural) complexity – the process of transition from a simple society to a complex one (i.e., having supra-community levels of socio-political or-ganization), among the Bini people living in West Africa, in the southwest of modern Nigeria. Based on the study of sources of different types – archaeological, ethnographic, etc. – it is shown that this process took place mainly in the second half of the 1st millennium CE, was stimulated by the spread of agriculture and iron among the Bini, and is connected with their struggle for re-sources, in particular, with the Efa – the first settlers on the lands occupied by the Bini as a result of migrations in the 1st millennium BCE. The form in which a complex society raised among the Bini was the chiefdom – a union of several local communities under the rule of a paramount chief. Further growth of socio-political complexity among the Bini led to the emergence, proba-bly in the 13th century, of the Kingdom of Benin. At the same time, it is emphasized that throughout history, the complication of the socio-political organization of the Bini was taking place through the reproduction at higher levels of the template of their substrate institution – the extended-family community. Using the Bini as a case, the chapter examines such general issues important for studying the processes of rise, transformation, and functioning of complex societies in Africa and beyond as the relationship between military and peaceful components, profane and sacred, individual and collective power in their dynamics.

In theory: Democracy is the "rule of the people by the people and for the people" (Lincoln, 1863). In practice: "Democracy substitutes election by the incompetent many for appointment by the corrupt few" . This paper addresses the gap between democratic theory and practice by attempting to analyse "democracy's crisis of meaning" (Trend, 1996:7). It examines the processes through which the theoretical ideal of rule by the people is despoiled to dictatorial practices, typified by regimes of democratic dictatorship arising from the authoritarian rule of representative forms of democracy resulting in the tyranny of the powerful, to regimes of dictatorial democracy arising from the totalitarian rule of global neo-liberal capitalism. These contradictions indeed suggest "more than a simple gap between theory and practice" (Trend, 1996:9) and demand a new praxis for democracy. Despite the hegemonic dyspraxia of these kleptocratic and corporatocratic regimes on both a local and global level, the eupraxia of anarchism through co-operative forms of self-governance offers a glimpse of hope for democratising democracy by closing the gap between theory and practice.

Editors: Henri Onodera, Martta Kaskinen & Eija Ranta
Contributors: Yahia Benyamina, Angela Chukunzira, Reem Garfi, Banhishikha Ghosh, S.A. Hamed Hosseini, Martta Kaskinen, Mirjam Le, Karim Maïche, Job Mwaura, Franziska Susana Nicolaisen, Tony Nyundu, Henri Onodera, Geoffrey Pleyers, Sarah A. Radcliffe, Eija Ranta, Aracely Rodriguez Malagón and Karim Zakhour

Citizenship Utopias in the Global South is an edited collection of empirical research that explores emergent forms of activism in Africa, Asia, and Latin America in times of multiple crises. At the intersection of hope and disillusionment, the diverse and thought-provoking chapters investigate emerging forms of activism in the Global South – including youth activisms, anti-racism struggles, feminist initiatives, online dissent, and Indigenous movements.

In the 2020s, many parts of the world are witnessing contradictory processes of popular claims to rights, livelihoods, and social justice, and subsequent forms of populist authoritarianism and the securitization of civil society. Previously hopeful calls for dignity, democracy, and social justice – through protesting, strikes, civil society campaigns, legal reforms, and elections, for example – have been met with disdain and civic disengagement. This book investigates the re-imagination and pursuit of citizen activism in such times of popular disillusionment. It explores citizenship utopias as social imaginaries that are enacted and that articulate an ideal social order or democratic polity with ideal forms of experiencing citizenship. Its chapters interrogate conventional approaches to citizenship by introducing a nuanced and empirically grounded exploration of the complex ways in which people experience, negotiate, and engage in the societal changes that they aspire towards. The examination of citizenship utopias outlines contemporary signals for transformative futures and their possibilities.

The book undertakes a fresh effort at contributing to the shifting terrain of critical development studies, political anthropology, political sociology, and decolonising scholarship by engaging in discussions about citizenship, activism, disillusionment, and future societal alternatives in times of multiple global challenges.

Despite the expansion of the non-farm economy, high economic growth, and rapid urbanisation, the rural world and farmers continue to shape Indian society and politics as the ongoing farmers’ protests underline. Farmers are not only demanding the minimum support price but also struggling for social, economic, and environmental justice by asserting the long Indian tradition of satyagraha and civil disobedience.

Öz: Mukaddime'nin başlı başına sosyolojik bir çalışma olduğu söylenebilir. İbn-i Haldun yazmış olduğu Mukaddimesinde seleflerinin sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasal görüşlerine ciddi eleştiriler yapmış olsa da eserlerinde onların izlerini de taşımaktadır. Mukaddime diğer taraftan da haleflerine ışık tutacak ciddi görüşler barındırmaktadır. İbn-Haldun Mukaddimesinde sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasal sorunları akıl süzgecinden geçirerek kutsal kitabın öğretisi çerçevesinde yeniden yorumlamıştır. Bu çalışmada İbn Haldun'un eseri olan "Mukaddime" de yer alan sosyoekonomik ve siyasal görüşler incelenmiştir. Mukaddime'de dile getirilen görüşler, eserin yazıldığı çağın şartları da göz önünde bulundurularak yeniden yorumlanmıştır. İbn-i Haldun'un sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasal görüşleri siyasal düşünceler tarihi çerçevesinde irdelenmiştir. Çalışmada bir taraftan Mukaddime'nin kendisinden önce dile getirilen sosyo-ekonomik ve siyasal görüşler ile olan benzerlikleri sorgulanırken, diğer taraftan da daha sonrasında çeşitli bilim insanları tarafından dile getirilen görüşlerde Mukaddimenin izleri aranmıştır.

Abstract: This article by a co–founding member of Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social (MALCS) provides personal reflections and a brief overview of the iterations of the organization’s journal, originally Voces, and
now called Chicana/Latina Studies: The Journal of Mujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social. The article demonstrates the early mission by the organization to provide a space for Chicanas and Latinas engaged in both the academic world of letters and social change in communities, toward creating new epistemologies and methodologies.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the prevalence of unpaid labour (Begar) as a practice of resistance in everyday routine life. Both Sharecroppers and landlords are approached in this research as active agents capable of shaping and transforming their identities and power relations intersected by contextual realities, like, for example, ties of kinship and caste-rivalries. Theoretical concepts of James C. Scott about 'everyday forms of resistance' and 'hidden transcript', 'structuration theory' of Giddensand Meijl's elaboration of 'self' and 'identities' have been applied to understand diversified nature of resistance in sharecropping relationship. This paper will elaborate on the complicated nature of resistance and cooperation in which multiple peasant-landlord identities are managed. Findings indicate that sharecroppers do not always resist the so called imposition of unpaidlabour, which is, in fact, a kind of labour in which payme...

Clashes between ethnic and civic nationalism are not the turf of high politics
but everyday currency in the formation of the citizenry’s relation to the state
in postcolonial communities. A focus on the hyphen (-) in the nation-state
nexus works to unpack how vernacular forms of nationalism take shape in
a post-conflict, postcolonial polity. In Cyprus, two opposed vernaculars are
used by the Greek-speaking population to engage with statehood and thus with
the Cyprus Problem. Certain Greek-Cypriots adhere to a non-nation-bound
loyalty, κυπριωτισμός (cypriotism), that supports the state’s bicommunal
nature. Sociohistorical formations have informed a conceptual distance
between nation and state, a condition nurturing everyday vernaculars of civic
belonging. Among other Greek-Cypriots, ethnonationalist rhetoric operates
in favor of divisionism. The Cyprus case contributes to an understanding of
the political vernacular in postcolonial contexts by highlighting from below
the local “languages” that underpin post-conflict statehood.

Abstract
This study examines the theme of postcolonial disillusionment in selected playscripts from Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe—Democracy Boulevard by Du Chisiza Jr., Dead Roots by Cheela Chilala, and When Angels Weep by Blessing Hungwe. Drawing on decolonial and postcolonial theoretical frameworks and employing script analysis as the primary analytical tool, the paper explores how these plays reflect the unfulfilled promises of independence in the three nations. The study situates the plays within their shared colonial histories, including the legacy of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, and the aspirations articulated by early nationalist leaders. Through thematic and stylistic analysis, the plays are shown to expose the continued exploitation of citizens through political persecution, corruption, and the reproduction of colonial power structures under local leadership. While Democracy Boulevard adopts a direct, confrontational style, Dead Roots and When Angels Weep utilize allegory, symbolism, and spiritual motifs to convey similar critiques. The paper argues that these playwrights, despite their differing narrative techniques, converge in their portrayal of the persistence of coloniality and the manipulation of cultural identity to reinforce hegemonic power. Ultimately, the plays challenge the myth of liberation by highlighting the moral, political, and cultural betrayals that followed the attainment of independence.

La Tradizione autentica è un canale attraverso cui il Mistero si trasmette, si rinnova e si riconsegna all'uomo in forma vivente. Ma cosa accade quando tale canale viene irrigidito, quando la forma prevale sulla sostanza, e il simbolo viene ridotto a norma? In questa riflessione ci interroghiamo sul rapporto tra autorità spirituale, accesso al sacro e criteri di esclusione, con particolare riferimento alla figura del pontefice romano.
A guidarci non lo spirito della polemica, ma la domanda iniziatica: chi è veramente degno di ricevere e trasmettere la Luce.

of Simberi); Callum Skeet (of HGDC); Peterson Pipi and Michael Baitia (of Gigira DC); David Ganai'i of the PNG Department of Trade, Commerce and Industry; Glenn Banks (of New Zealand); and especially Willie Kupo (of OSL), Francis Chibelle (of OTML), Stotick Kamya (of Ramu NiCo), Ivan Pomaleu (of IPA) and John Brooksbank (formerly of OSL). Many others kindly allowed me to interview them and some of them showed considerable skill in managing, despite that, not to provide me with any information whatever. Although we have never met, the person who provided me with most information was Alex Tongayu, of the Investment Promotion Authority whose PNG business database, accessible on the Internet, is extremely impressive and about to improve even further. It is not false modesty to state that there is a great deal to be modest about in this report; what follows barely scratches the surface of a fascinating area of economic endeavour in PNG and one for which a wealth of information, thanks to IPA, is available. I urge others to make use of that data and to improve on what follows -it should not be difficult.

As a city within a federal district, Washington, D.C. defies easy description, partially because “Washington” and “D.C.” are, cognitively, two distinct places. I explore the question of D.C.’s identity within the domineering presence of the federal government through its tangible heritage. After a literature review, I follow with a framework of D.C.’s political geography and the complexities and uncertainties of its identity. Next is a four-part case study of distinct D.C. identity markers, examining its low skyline and resultant cultural landscape, an exploration of the D.C. War Memorial on the National Mall, the D.C. flag and its symbolic importance, and the stone boundary markers that demarcate and define D.C. Despite the dominance of the state in D.C.’s everyday realities, Washingtonians manage to work within this marked federal-local tension. I argue that D.C.’s political geography is the principal factor in defining and understanding it as a place. To cope with their ambiguous status, Washingtonians exhibit and maintain identity markers in the landscape to help establish a heritage and identity for the District that they would otherwise not have. Further, I contend that scholars should devote due attention to the geographical context of federal districts to appreciate these atypical geographies.

En 2021, le président de la République Emmanuel Macron décide de déclassifier les archives régaliennes relatives aux essais nucléaires en Polynésie française. Cet article examine la portée de cette ouverture au regard d’une historiographie du Centre d’expérimentation du Pacifique (CEP) qui s’est forgée depuis les années 1990 malgré le secret militaire. Cette déclassification permet aux chercheurs de poursuivre leurs travaux, de les décloisonner et de renforcer leur volonté de replacer à juste titre ce territoire et ses habitants au cœur de l’histoire du nucléaire militaire français.

En un trabajo anterior publicado en la Revista de Antropología Iberoamericana titulado: “Narrativas del paisaje andino colombiano: visión ecológica en la música carranguera de Jorge Velosa” (Cárdenas y Montes, 2009) se indagó en las nociones hermenéuticas, semióticas y en el análisis del discurso que expresan las canciones del álbum En cantos verdes. En esta oportunidad, desde un proceso de categorización etnográfica basado también en el análisis del discurso, se profundizará en dos asuntos centrales: los aspectos teóricos, metodológicos, y los resultados obtenidos en el proceso de investigación haciendo un énfasis particular en la utilización del video y la fotografía como medios y filosofía de indagación etnográfica. Los resultados del presente documento permiten comprender que la canción carranguera expresa razones prácticas (moral) dirigidas a replantear y a configurar una experiencia de orden tanto subjetiva, intersubjetiva, como objetiva en las relaciones cultura-ecosistema qu...

The aim of this article is to provide an overview of
how the tutela or wardship exercised by the Brazilian State over
indigenous peoples (the form of domination legally enshrined in
the 1910s under the Republic) and assimilationism (the ideology
that sees the destiny of indigenous peoples as an inexorable merging
with the “national communion”) were criticized and seemed
to be superseded over the course of the twentieth century, but today
have apparently made a comeback in government actions and
words. This apparent return actually covers up an entirely different
situation involving the enormous harassment of indigenous lands
by agribusiness and mining companies. Since January 2019 and the advent of the new government, elected in 2018 after decades of
seeking democratic construction in Brazil, the president’s alt-right
style discourse in favor of aggressive development and against
the preservation of the environment and the ways of life of indigenous
and other “traditional” peoples, together with the omission
of public institutions responsible for protecting those populations,
has led to a considerable increase in violence against them. Before
discussing this question, we provide an outline of the “indigenous
issue” in Brazil and how it differs from other Latin American
countries in terms of demographics and the rights that indigenous
peoples possess over the lands they traditionally occupy.

Depuis que les Six sont convenus, en 1957, d'associer à la Communauté européenne les pays et territoires non européens entretenant avec la France, la Belgique, l'Italie et les Pays-Bas des relations particulières, le Comité économique et social (CES) suit de très près les ...

The object of the study is the Odrysian dynasty, and the subject is the processes that took place in it (including its historical development) in the period from the middle of the 4th to the middle of the 2nd century BCE. The main focus is placed on the state and development of the dynastic house of the Odrysians in the period of the Macedonian hegemony in Thrace and the subsequent era of aspirations toward the Thracian lands by the Hellenistic states – an era that ended with the beginning of the establishment of the military-political presence of the Roman Republic over the territory of the Balkan Peninsula.

Este artículo comparte resultados de una experiencia de extensión universitaria que vinculó a investigadoras, docentes y estudiantes universitarios/as con trabajadores/as liberados/as que integran la Rama de Liberados, Liberadas y Familiares del Movimiento de Trabajadores Excluidos. Se trata de una organización que nuclea cooperativas de trabajo y polos productivos cuyos integrantes comparten la experiencia de haber atravesado el encierro carcelario. La intervención analizada produjo dos piezas audiovisuales, una destinada a la formación interna en la organización y otra para la difusión pública de la misma. A partir de esta experiencia, se desarrolla una reflexión teórico-metodológica en torno a las potencialidades de la producción audiovisual como herramienta de la colaboración, en tanto práctica integral que articula investigación-extensión-aprendizaje y, en particular, para la potenciación de procesos de co-construcción de conocimiento. audiovisual comunitario; organizaciones de liberados/as; integralidad de las funciones universitarias; extensión universitaria.

Le treizième tome des Problèmes d'histoire des religions doit son existence à Jacques Marx. C'est en 2001 qu'en tant que vice-président de l'Institut d'étude des religions et de la laïcité de l'Université libre de Bruxelles, Jacques Marx a souhaité imprimer une nouvelle dynamique à la vie scientifique de l'Institut. Il a alors pris l'initiative de la réalisation d'un Annuaire de la recherche à l'Institut. Il a suggéré de faire précéder chacune des réunions mensuelles du bureau de l'Institut, d'un bref exposé qui permettrait à un de ses membres de présenter une de ses recherches en cours ou un de ses « coups de coeur » scientifiques ; cette initiative bienvenue a assurément permis de resserrer les liens entre collègues. Mais, surtout, il a souhaité créer un « séminaire international » qui permettrait de traiter de façon approfondie de questions relatives aux religions et/ou à la spiritualité. Il a conçu le premier séminaire sous la forme de conférences suivies de débats nourris, autour d'un thème qui lui est particulièrement cher : Le pouvoir et le sacré, abordé dans une quinzaine de communications organisées pendant les années académiques 2001-2002 et 2002-2003. Ce sont ces textes sur la « théologie politique » qui, précédés d'une introduction méthodologique particulièrement dense et neuve, sont rassemblés ici sous le titre La sacralisation du pouvoir : images et mises en scène. Pour le second séminaire (2003-2004 et, probablement, 2004-2005), il a transmis le relais à notre collègue Jean-Philippe Schreiber, aujourd'hui directeur du CIERL (Centre interdisciplinaire d'étude des religions et de la laïcité), qui a repris le volet scientifiques des activités de I'IERL ; le thème retenu pour ce séminaire est la « théologie de la guerre ». Jacques Marx, qui fut l'éditeur des Problèmes d'histoire du christianisme de 1984 à 1989 et du premier volume des Problèmes d'histoire des religions (1990), a 8 LA SACRALISATION DU POUVOIR bien voulu que soient publiés ici les textes du « Séminaire de Bruxelles ». Qu'il soit remercié non seulement pour cette initiative, mais aussi pour l'énergie, la conscience et le zèle avec lesquels, comme secrétaire scientifique d'abord (1980-1987), comme vice-président ensuite (1987-2003), il a rempli pendant plus de vingt ans les lourdes fonctions qui lui ont été confiées dans la gestion de l'Institut. L'organisation du « Séminaire de Bruxelles » a été rendue possible grâce au travail de Karine Triquenaux, secrétaire de I'IERL, et de Nicolas Bogaerts, assistant à la bibliothèque de l'Institut, ainsi que grâce à l'aide matérielle et financière octroyée, à des titres divers, par

The bodies of indigenous women and girls in Kenya during the colonial period were contested sites of cultural identity and expression for both indigenous communities and their colonisers. The ritual and the results of Kenyan women's body modification have served as markers of difference, not only between Kenyans and colonists but also across indigenous Kenyan cultures. Indigenous women's agency is often elided in discussion of their bodies -lost in a tendency to use the contest for control over women's bodies to explore the dynamics and pressures of the colonial encounter. This approach necessarily aggregates women's experience to build a picture of their collective experience, and to track the rise of popular resistance movements through women's actions. Discussing women's collective action is useful in understanding the larger narrative of indigenous resistance to colonial oppression, and significant historical work has been done on the centrality of women's bodies in the struggle against colonial rule in Kenya Kanogo 2005). However, this work does not often examine the embodied experiences of these women. In this paper, I will reframe the 'female circumcision controversy ' 1928 -1931, focusing on locating Ratna Kapur's 'erotic subject'. I will try to restore the agency of subaltern subjects, particularly Kikuyu women at the centre of the 'controversy'. Kapur develops the terms 'sexual subaltern' and the 'erotic subject' in order to trouble the boundaries of, and ultimately expand the category of the legitimate, rights bearing subject (Kapur 2005). Searching for the voices of these disruptive subjects also compels fresh interrogations of the gendered, colonised subject. I will examine dynamics of the 'female circumcision controversy' in the Colony of Kenya, and explore the ways in which the battle for control over women's bodies disrupted the Imperial project in East Africa. A brief history of the East Africa Protectorate and the Colony of Kenya introduces the events of the 'female circumcision controversy'. This is followed by an analysis of Kikuyu women's protest and the ways in which women mobilised cultural practice in rejection of the colonial desire to mould a newly 'civilised' colony through policing women's bodies. The 'female circumcision controversy' will then be analysed through Kapur's concept of the 'erotic' subject. The British had established a controlling presence in East Africa in the 1880s, and by an Order in Council dated 11 June 1920, the East Africa Protectorate was annexed to the British Dominions under the name of the Colony of Kenya (The Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, 403). The government of Kenya declared all the land in their territories the property of the Crown, and between 1900 and 1920 alienated, without compensation, portions of land to Europeans previously belonging to and occupied by Kikuyu, Kamba, Nandi and Wanyika

We suggest viewing the origins of Islam against the background of the sixth century global climatic disaster and the Arabian socio-ecological crisis that was one of its parts. Most socio-political systems of the Arabs reacted to the socio-ecological crisis by getting rid of the rigid supra-tribal political structures (kingdoms and chiefdoms) which started posing a real threat to their very survival. The decades of fighting which led to the destruction of most of the Arabian kingdoms and chiefdoms led to the elaboration of some definite "anti-royal" freedom-loving tribal ethos. At the beginning of the seventh century tribes which would recognize themselves as subjects of some terrestrial supra-tribal political authority, the "king," risked losing its honor. However, this seems not to be applicable to the authority of another type, the "celestial" one. In the meantime the early seventh century evidences the merging of the Arabian tradition of prophecy and the Arabian Monotheist "Rahmanist" tradition which produced the Arabian prophetic movement. The Monotheist Rahmanist prophets appear to have represented a supra-tribal authority just of the type many Arab tribes were looking for at this very time, which seems to explain to a certain extent those prophets' political success (including the extreme political success of Muhammad). The sixth century global climatic disaster influenced the world-systems development mainly through one of its logical outcomes, the formation of Islam and the formation of a colossal Islamic communication network reproduced through an annual pilgrimage to Mecca.

Atatürk’ün arkeoloji alanında geride bıraktığı büyük mirasın izlerine onun ölümünden sonra da rastlamaktayız ki bu durum, onun cenaze töreninde ve ebedi istirahatgahı olan Anıtkabir’in mimarisinde de karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu arkeolojik mirasın derinlikleri yakın zamanlara değil, çok kadim bir geçmişe dayanmaktadır ve bu kadim geçmiş etkisinin günümüze yansımaları az ya da çok olsa da süreklilik arz etmektedir. Zira içinde yaşadığımız toplumu artıları ve eksileri ile ortaya çıkaran o kadim geçmişten başkası değildir. Cumhuriyetin ilanıyla birlikte yeni siyasal rejimin önderlerinin cenaze törenlerinde ve mezar yapılarındaki uygulamalar eskiye nazaran büyük bir değişim geçirmiş olup bu değişimin en çarpıcı göstergesi Atatürk’ün cenaze töreni ve sonrasında inşa edilen Anıtkabir’in mimarisidir.

This paper analyzes the different perceptions of cultural heritage; in particular, it is focused on the case of the old city of Gjirokaster, which was declared in 2005 a monument of cultural heritage by Unesco. The paper is divided into four different sections. In the first section, we are going to outline the main purpose and the basic directions of this essay. In the following section, we’re discussing the research methods and the research design; more specifically, we are focusing on issues of material culture related to the region, presenting the theoretical background of the research and, finally, positing the main hypothesis and the basic research questions. In the third section we’re presenting the research data; lastly, in the last section we’re putting forth our concluding remarks, which are related to our main research hypothesis.

The Anthropology of East Europe Review Volume 22 • Number 1 • Spring 2004 ... Signifying Self in Plural Cultural Contexts: Subjectivity, Power and Individual Agency in North-western Greek Macedonia ... Ioannis manos Department for balkan studies (florina), University of ...

Emerging from the traditional knowledge system of the Kirat Limbu people of Nepal is the Sām-Ūpmā Mundhum philosophy. Combining the ideas of soul (sām), the practice of soul-calling (Ūpmā), and oral tradition (mundhum) into a philosophical framework of healing, balance, and well-being, this holistic perspective offers This book presents a formal academic framework for this indigenous philosophy together with its ontological, epistemological, and therapeutic bases. Sām-Ūpmā offers a new way to understand mental health and human awareness that is connected to spirituality and culture, serving as an alternative to traditional psychiatric methods.

Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université Laval dans le cadre du programme de doctorat en service social pour l'obtention du grade de Philisophiae Doctor (Ph.D) ECOLE DE SERVICE SOCIAL FACULTÉ DES SCIENCES SOCIALES UNIVERSITÉ LAVAL QUÉBEC MAI 2007 © Sayouba Ouedraogo, 2007 RÉSUMÉ COURT L'objectif de cette recherche consiste à identifier les phénomènes favorables à l'émergence et au développement d'organisations paysannes (OP) au plateau mossi, une zone fortement démunie. La recherche est exploratoire et privilégie la méthode d'étude de cas multi-sites. Les principaux phénomènes de l'émergence d'OP sont les conditions de privation, les opportunités (dispositions législatives, la solidarité internationale et la vivacité des associations traditionnelles), la constitution de cadres collectifs d'interprétation par les promoteurs, la mise sur pied d'un mécanisme de création et la reconnaissance des OP. En ce qui concerne le développement d'OP, les principaux phénomènes sont la résolution partielle des privations, les opportunités politiques, l'accès aux ressources et l'emploi de stratégies particulières. Résultant à la fois d'une tradition culturelle et d'une réaction à des privations, l'émergence et le développement d'OP apparaissent comme un choix délibéré et un passage nécessaire pour lutter contre la pauvreté et pour le développement au Burkina.