Political Economy

The introduction of the Map Title Deed during the reign of King Rama V of the Rattanakosin era is one of the indicators that showed that Siam was in the process of Modernization. It was an important mechanism for the Thai Elite to use as tool to centralize their power under the bureaucratic administration, because the Government could check on who owned any land, and who was residing there, especially with regard to the Chinese. As the complexities of land use increased, especially in the area of the lower Chaophraya-Basin, there was increased conflict between the State and the commoners based on "what kind of persons" could own land, with arguments between those who could afford the high land prices and those who wanted to exploit the land by themselves. The Government resolved these problems by an edict on the Map title Deed, so that anyone who had registered land was considered the owner. Moreover, the Deed could also be used to clear up any conflict by differentiating between the State's property and private ownership.

In the changing market environment of livestock products, the delivery of animal health services is emerging as an important priority area for enhancing the competitiveness of poor livestock producers. At the same time, governments are continuing to face serious budgetary difficulties and are finding it difficult to expand the reach of these services or improve service quality. In this context of a changing environment and dwindling public resources, this paper revisits the economic framework that has thus far guided thinking about public and private sector roles in the provision of animal health services and examines the ongoing debate on livestock service delivery for the poor. The paper highlights the importance of strong institutions and appropriate legislation for regulating behaviour and enforcing contracts and re-emphasises the idea, which is supported by economic theory, that there is a need for task sharing between the public and private sectors. The paper further emphasizes the need for: a) integrating the debate on livestock service delivery with the larger debate on political economy and institutional development, and b) ensuring service access in poor marginal areas by working through membership organisations, self-help groups and civil society organisations, and by promoting the use of paraprofessionals and community-based animal health delivery systems.

The prevailing belief, dating from Adam Smith, that the balance- of-trade was the dominant facet of English economic policy since the time of Thomas Mun, is questioned. It is argued that Samuel Fortrey is a more likely "founder" for this doctrine and that the influence of the balance-of-trade is due almost entirely to politics. THE POLITICAL BALANCE OF TRADE . . . ? ? "Before they learn there Is a God to be worshipped they learn there are Frenchmen to be detested," Fougebert de Montbron, quoted by Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century * It is well-known that concern for the Balance-of-Trade is the distinguishing mark of the economic thought of the century prior to Adam Smith. No one would deny that the balance-of-trade is one impor- tant aspect of trade. What is striking is the enormous importance attached to the Balance-of-Trade under the Mercantile System. Was the almost hysterical stress laid upon the Balance-of-Trade a sign of demented economic thought or was the hysteria a cover for some noneconomic objectives of the pamphleteers? Adam Smith attributed the Balance-of-Trade doctrinea phase I shall use throughout to indicate the near exclusive emphasis given to this concept -to a failure to distinguish real from nominal wealth and suggested that the doctrine originated with Thomas Mun In the 1620s. In this paper, I shall try to focus more precisely on the rise of the Balance-of-Trade (interpreted in the extreme sense noted above) in order to suggest that Thomas Mun had very little to do with the rise of this doctrine. Rather, Samuel Fortrey appears to have been the most influential figure in arousing popular concern. This suggests that the doctrine of the Balance-of-Trade may have been a cover for discussing the non- economic dangers of the Anglo-French Trade and, if the conjecture is reasonable, it would require a substantial change in our view about "Mercantilism." A long-established tradition in the history of economic thought credits the East India merchant, Thomas Mun, with being the chief

Ao meu orientador Prof. Donald Rolfe Sawyer, pela orientação serena, pluralista e segura, e que desde o princípio soube acreditar em minha capacidade e me estimular à superação das adversidades. Aos companheiros do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) que desde sempre tiveram compreensão pelas horas de dedicação em vista dos estudos. E que sempre estimularam, e também foram minha motivação para este doutoramento. Aos demais membros da banca, professores Tirso Walfrido Sáenz Sanchez, Vanessa Maria de Castro, Luis Antonio Pasquetti, e Claus Magno Germer, pelas palavras de estímulo e pela generosidade na avaliação. Os considero como exemplo pessoal, militante e acadêmico a ser seguido e emulado. Aos colegas do Doutorado e aos professores. Muitos amigos se fizeram nessa jornada tão gratificante.

Vse od začetka politične in ekonomske tranzicije naprej je bila Slovenija glede na raven dohodka najrazvitejša nekdanja socialistična država na svetu. To je posledica večstoletnih izkušenj regije kot dela Avstrije, zatem pa kot dela zaprtega jugoslovanskega gospodarstva. Vseeno pa je 25 let po osamosvojitvi Slovenija primer Northove majhne homogene nacionalne skupnosti, ki zavrača zunanje vplive. Prispevek obravnava družbeno odgovornost ekonomistov, ki komentirajo gospodarske razmere v medijih. Največkrat z omejenimi mednarodnimi izkušnjami, pomemben del komentatorjev spregleda pomen uvajanja temeljnih načel ekonomije v državi tranzicije. Članek prinaša tudi analizo medijskih stališč, iz katere je razviden nesporazum pri terminu "nacionalni interes", ki se praviloma uporablja za zaviranje reform. Namesto da bi sodelovali pri razvijanju znanja o temeljnih načelih ekonomije, pomemben del komentatorjev gospodarskih razmer v javnosti sproža zmedo in napačna pričakovanja.

Ethnic armed organisations or EAOs play a pivotal role in the revolutionary war against Myanmar’s junta. These ethno-national rebel movements have not only captured large swathes of territory, but they have also been crucial in transforming resistance into revolutionary warfare in the first place. The early support of some EAOs for the Spring Revolution was instrumental in this transformation. However, this support was not self-evident, especially in 2021 when most EAOs remained on the sidelines. To understand why the two most powerful EAO supporters of the Spring Revolution – the Karen National Union and the Kachin Independence Organisation – made their strategic moves, this article argues that focusing on their political objectives, external environments, and past allegiances is insufficient. Instead, it highlights the importance of internal politics and bottom-up social forces in shaping Karen National Union and Kachin Independence Organisation strategies. In doing so, the article revisits a figurational sociology of rebel politics and evaluates its applicability for comparing EAO politics in Myanmar after the coup. This helps to devise a systematic approach for analysing how the politics of EAOs influence their positioning towards the post-coup crisis and how the Spring Revolution, in turn, affects EAO politics.

Identifying research gaps and priorities is paramount to advance sustainability science and contribute to a sustainable future. This editorial contributes to this effort by contemplating the sustainability science research agenda and aligning it with recent changes in global dynamics. Drawing on consultations with the editorial board members of the Sustainability Science journal and a review of relevant literature, we identified 12 key research topics. These topics are interpreted within a strategic framework encompassing three key themes: (1) goals that drive sustainability science, (2) approaches to attain these goals, and (3) tools to advance sustainability science research. In so doing, this editorial emphasizes a sustainable development agenda extending beyond 2030, fostering equity and justice, and tackling issues related to power dynamics and geopolitical conflicts. It underscores the significance of research approaches to attaining sustainability goals, in particular, theorizing, coproduction of knowledge and action, attaining clarity in conceptual descriptions, and developing systems-oriented analytical frameworks. Additionally, it highlights the value of place-based approaches, learning from significant systemic shocks, and nurturing inner transformations. It also underlines the need to explore emerging technologies and data-intensive methodologies as a tool to address sustainability concerns. The systematic contemplation of the sustainability science research agenda presented in this editorial piece aims to invoke further discussion among researchers and practitioners about a fresh and relevant agenda that promotes the sustainable integration of nature and society.

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11625-024-01586-3#article-info

This introductory note discusses how the concept of securitisation might be used as a tool for understanding the different logics driving and standing behind foreign policies of major international stakeholders in situations of crises, emergencies and exceptions. The editors look at how securitisation functions as a discursive instrument for reshaping actors’ subjectivities, and how it might be adjusted to the rapid changes in global politics triggered by Russia’s war against Ukraine. They argue that the discursive construction of insecurities is not politically neutral and is driven by certain logics, presumptions and imaginaries. Russia’s war against Ukraine is a particularly important focal point in this regard since it elucidates another crucial question: how do the parties involved in the war securitise and de-securitise – as well as exceptionalise and normalise – specific risks, dangers and threats, and what are the implications of these discursive strategies for international...

This article analyses the state of democracy in the world in 2018, and recent developments building on the 2019 release of the V-Dem dataset. First, the trend of autocratization continues and 24 countries are now affected by what is established as a "third wave of autocratization". Second, despite the global challenge of gradual autocratization, democratic regimes prevail in a majority of countries in the world (99 countries, 55%) in 2018. Thus, the state of the world is unmistakably more democratic compared to any point during the last century. At the same time, the number of electoral authoritarian regimes had increased to 55, or 31% of all countries. Third, the autocratization wave is disproportionally affecting democratic countries in Europe and the Americas, but also India's large population. Fourth, freedom of expression and the media, and the rule of law are the areas under attack in most countries undergoing autocratization, but toxic polarization of the public sphere is a threat to democracy spreading across regimes. Finally, we present the first model to predict autocratization ("adverse regime transitions") pointing to the top-10 most at-risk countries in the world.

There is a widespread perception that we are witnessing a period of democratic decline, manifesting itself in varieties of democratic backsliding such as the manipulation of elections, marginalization and repression of regime opponents and minorities, or more incremental executive aggrandizement. Yet others are more optimistic and have argued that democracy is in fact resilient, or that we are observing coinciding trends of democratic decline but also expansion. This forum highlights key issues in the debate on democracy's decline, which center on conceptual and measurement issues, agreement on the phenomenon but not its nature or severity, the importance of international factors, the emphasis we should put on political elites versus citizens, and the consequences of backsliding for global politics. Staffan I. Lindberg provides an empirical perspective on the scope and severity of democracy's decline, and argues that polarization and misinformation are important drivers for this current wave of autocratization. Susan D. Hyde highlights the detrimental consequences of reduced support for democracy by the international community, which has affected civil society organizations-important arbiters of democracy-especially

the European Union (EU) suspended its sanctions against Burma/ Myanmar in response to a series of domestic political reforms that have been enacted since Thein Sein became the new president in March 2011. Analysis Since March 2011, Burma/Myanmar has witnessed a liberalization of the press, the re-lease of political prisoners and the initiation of a political dialogue between the regime on the one hand and the opposition and ethnic groups on the other. The reforms cul-minated in by-elections on 1 April 2012, which in turn resulted in a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD). Overall, political re-forms in Burma/Myanmar are being initiated from " above. " They are elite-driven and stem from the president and progressive members of the military-dominated party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). „ Political reforms in Myanmar are a regime reaction to both internal and external fac-tors. Internally, the military felt se...

The article sheds light on tutelary regimes, which have so far been left out in the discussion of contemporary authoritarian regimes. It uses a configurative approach to conceptualize tutelary regimes according to the three dimensions of tutelary interference, electoral competitiveness and civil liberties. Tutelary interference is conceived of as a spectrum of possible and not mutually exclusive roles which tutelary powers performdepending on their position in the political system. Empirically, the article uses a case study of Myanmar's tutelary regime to illustrate how the armed forces' institutionalized powers and prerogatives have helped the country evade substantial democracy. The results show a high degree of regime heterogeneity, with a functioning electoral regime in place but substantial weaknesses in civil liberties. Both are (partly) rooted in the tutelary interference of the military, which is pervasive. The military's position straitjackets the government; the military vetoes certain policies and structural reforms and guards the political system and its prerogatives from a position of strength. Politicians have so far not come up with successful strategies to bring the military under civil control.

This paper explores different aspects of transitional government in Sudan after Dec.2018 uprising in the context of the international demands for political change in many parts of the world, in the first two decades of the 21th century. After exploring various conceptual aspects of political change leading to transitional periods as "Bridges" to democratically elected governments, analysis will include impacts of international law on this type of governance focusing on promotion of democracy, transitional justice and the like. Special attention will be given to the Sudanese experience analyzing the dynamics that led to the downfall of Al-Bashir regime, and the many challenges that faced the transitional government. The subsequent power sharing agreements between the military and the civilian partners of the transition will be scrutinized. The paper also casts light on the priorities of the transition and the progress or otherwise achieved on each individual aspect of it.

While normative theories of participatory democracy and practical experiences of participatory research share a common democratic commitment, the two fields have emerged and to date exist in isolation from each other. This article bridges this divide and asks what participatory democracy and participatory research can learn from one another. It argues that participatory democracy can learn how to realize its own democratic ideals within its research practice and participatory research can deepen its normative commitment by connecting its practices to a larger participatory vision. The article illustrates this by engaging with three examples in which participatory democracy researchers conduct participatory research projects. It finally reflects critically on how the shared participatory commitments of both fields can be realized within the neoliberal university embedded in competitive market economies.

Esta segunda parte, define el modelo dominado por las plataformas digitales que se nutre de aquellas operaciones características del capital, que extraen valor: la logística, la extracción y la financiarización. Una logística, que coordina la producción global extrayendo valor mediante flujos espaciales (cadenas de suministro transnacionales). Un extractivismo (extracción), que extrae valor del flujo de los datos, las subjetividades y la cooperación social, como modernas modalidades de explotación. Una financiarización que extrae valor del trabajo futuro comprometido para honrar la deuda. Estas operaciones del capital se inscriben en dinámicas espacio-temporales con resultados impredecibles, generando formaciones capitalistas histórica y geográficamente diferenciadas. El mercado mundial se reconfigura con cadenas de valor transnacionales y plataformas digitales, el trabajo se precariza (uberización) y la extracción de datos reemplaza la acumulación industrial clásica. Asistimos a un reordenamiento de la soberanía estatal, al desacople entre estado y territorialidad que autonomiza el territorio del estado-nación. Fenómeno que cuestiona la validez del imperialismo como tal, y rescata un capitalismo multipolar donde empresas como Amazon y Google actúan como poderes globales, desplazando a los Estados. EE.UU. pierde liderazgo sin que China lo reemplace plenamente, generando un sistema multipolar caótico

The sustainability of the welfare state ultimately depends on citizens' preferences for income redistribution. They are elicited through a Discrete Choice Experiment performed in 2008 in Switzerland. Attributes are redistribution as GDP share, its uses (the unemployed, old-age pensioners, people with ill health etc.), and nationality of beneficiary. Estimated marginal willingness to pay (WTP) is positive among those who deem benefits too low, and negative otherwise. However, even those who state that government should reduce income inequality exhibit a negative WTP on average. The major finding is that estimated average WTP is maximum at 21% of GDP, clearly below the current value of 25%. Thus, the present Swiss welfare state does not appear sustainable.

Vietnam is now one of the leading producers and exporters of important agricultural commodities, which has helped the country to have more influence in food security and trade of the region. In addition to its success in production and export, Vietnam also attracts investors and business around the world by its legal framework reform. In addition to a review on corporate performance of agri-food companies in Vietnam, an analysis of legal framework and policies affecting corporate performance of agri-food companies in Vietnam will provide a panorama on the business environment in the process of economic integration and trade liberalization.. However in the coming times, more policies adjustment and measures should be taken in order to encourage the sustainable development of agri-food companies. Along with the economic integration and trade liberalization, Vietnam is opening its market with 100 million consumers and also business opportunities to international business and investors. Is the stock market a transparent and efficient channel for their choice? That depends not only on the legal framework, but also on the performance of Vietnamese companies that may become their partners or rivals.

This paper uses both the descriptive and comparative approaches to provide an overview of migration of international students from the Middle East and North Africa MENA region and mobilizing skills in the MENA Region. We fill the gap in the MENA literature and present a more comprehensive and updated analysis of migration of international students from the MENA region. Our findings support the first hypothesis that the number of international students from the MENA region increased substantially over the past years. Our results corroborate the second hypothesis that international students from the MENA region are concentrated in few countries. Our findings support the third hypothesis that skills of international students can be better mobilized in their countries of origin by addressing the push-pull factors that determine migration of skills from the MENA region.

This paper examines the structure of the labour market and unemployment in Sudan. One advantage of our analysis is that we explain several stylized facts on the labour market using new secondary data on population, employment and unemployment based on Sudan Central Bureau of Statistics 2010 the Fifth Sudan Population and Housing Census 2008. We explain several stylized facts on the relation between the structure of the labour market and demographic structure, labour force, participation rates, economic activities, low skill level and high unemployment rate defined by gender and mode of living in Sudan. Different from the findings in the empirical literature in support of the Phillips curve on the negative correlation between inflation and unemployment rates, we find a positive and significant correlation between unemployment and inflation rates in Sudan during the period 2000-2008. Moreover, different from the analysis in Sudanese literature, we present a more comprehensive analysis...

When the Ethiopian state was reorganized as an ethnic federation in the 1990s, both ethnicity and governance experienced the impact of the change. Most importantly, ethnicity became the key instrument regarding entitlement, representation and state organization. For the larger ethnic groups, fitting into the new ethno-federal structure has been relatively straightforward. In contrast, ethnic federalism has necessitated a renegotiation of identity and of statehood among several smaller communities that straddle larger ethnic groups. It has also led to the reconfiguration of centre-periphery relations. This contribution discusses how the federal restructuring of Ethiopia with the aim of matching ethnic and political boundaries led to renegotiation of identity, statehood and centre-periphery relations among several Somali and Oromo clans that share considerable ethno-linguistic affinities. In addition to the referees, I would like to thank the editors of this volume, Tobias Hagmann and Didier Péclard for their comments, and all those individuals who shared their thoughts with me during my fieldwork.

The debate about the relationship between democracy and economic development seems to have been reconciled by Gabriel Almond’s work, which states “that democracy and capitalism are both positively and negatively related, that they both support and subvert each other.” Yet, in recent literature the debate about the topic is not finished. This paper focuses specifically on how economic development affects democracy. Scholars such as Fish, Kwon, Mainwaring, Perez-Linan, Bellin, Przeworksi, and Limongi believe that, to a certain degree, economic development promotes democracy. On the other hand, Kwon explicitly rejects the possibility of contingency at the country level. In order to measure the level of democracy, there are two independent variables in this research paper: Political Right (PR) and Civil Liberty (CL). Data for these two variables are taken from Freedom House in the World Historical Rankings Comparative Scores for all countries from 1973 to 2006. The data are ranked from ...

The relationship between democracy and social policy in Southeast Asia is a critical topic that has received insufficient attention. In general, trends in improving social policy as part of the government’s responsibility for citizens do not follow the trend of democratization. Even in autocratic countries, improving the quality of social policy is always a priority. This study answers the following question: what can the trend of improvement in social policy explain in relation to democratization at the state level? Through the comparative process tracing analysis method, this study demonstrated a discriminatory treatment factor in providing access to public services to certain groups related to the political forces that had been controlling the government. In addition, this study reveals several factors that have not been widely explained from the periodization of social policy changes in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines.

The ascendancy of democracy, we are often reminded, is perhaps America's most remarkable contribution to the world. Indeed, since Christianity's conquest of Europe in the fourth century AD, no other society has had as profound an impact on the globe than ...

On cherche à tester la capacité d'un modèle macroscopique simplifié à simuler l'évolution de l'épidémie de Covid-19 au niveau d'un pays ou d'une entité géographique, pour peu que l'évolution des conditions de son développement soient suffisamment homogènes sur le territoire considéré. On pense par exemple à des dates de confinement uniformes sur ce territoire, ou à une gestion globale suffisamment uniforme également. Par modélisation, on entend la capacité de simuler chaque jour ou de façon cumulée, l'évolution des nombres de cas détectés, les hospitalisations simples ou en réanimation, et le cas échéant les décès ou guérisons. La modélisation proposée ici se fonde sur les équations classiques des épidémies [1], mais tient compte des effets d'un confinement au niveau macroscopique. Seuls les détections de malades infectés par le Covid-19 sont présentées ici. La modélisation proposée permet cependant une application facile aux autres indicateurs de l'épidémie. Elle est identifiée par des paramètres qui possèdent une signification épidémiologique simple, ce qui permet de comparer les évolutions de l'épidémie entre trois pays : France, Italie et Espagne. L'optimisation des paramètres est effectuée par un processus classique de machine learning. Le modèle est applicable à tout pays dont les caractéristiques de gestion de l'épidémie sont similaires. Covid-19, épidémie, modélisation, simulation, machine learning, Cas infectés On trouvera facilement de très nombreuses publications récentes ou plus anciennes proposant des modélisations sophistiquées des épidémies. Les avancées dans ce domaine sont importantes et suivent les nouvelles capacités de simulation numérique, de modélisation mathématique comme d'optimisation par des techniques d'intelligence artificielle. Ces modèles profitent également de l'amélioration continue de la qualité des données. Il est impossible de citer tous ces travaux et ce n'est d'ailleurs pas l'objet de cet article. On pourra cependant consulter les travaux de T.L. Wiemken et R.R. Kelley [2], ou de V. Colizza & al. [3]. Parmi les plus récents, on pourra également consulter les travaux de Lin Jia et al. [4] ou de D. Caccavo . L'objectif de cette étude est de répondre à la question de savoir dans quelle mesure une modélisation macroscopique simplifiée couplée à une identification automatique par machine learning donne des résultats intéressants qui peuvent être appliqués à l'épidémie du Covid-19 de début 2020. Les prévisions de son développement en fonction des politiques

On cherche à tester la capacité d'un modèle macroscopique simplifié à simuler l'évolution de l'épidémie de Covid-19 au niveau d'un pays ou d'une entité géographique, pour peu que l'évolution des conditions de son développement soient suffisamment homogènes sur le territoire considéré. On pense par exemple à des dates de confinement uniformes sur ce territoire, ou à une gestion globale suffisamment uniforme également. Par modélisation, on entend la capacité de simuler chaque jour ou de façon cumulée, l'évolution des nombres de cas détectés, les hospitalisations simples ou en réanimation, et le cas échéant les décès ou guérisons. La modélisation proposée ici se fonde sur les équations classiques des épidémies [1], mais tient compte des effets d'un confinement au niveau macroscopique. Seuls les détections de malades infectés par le Covid-19 sont présentées ici. La modélisation proposée permet cependant une application facile aux autres indicateurs de l'épidémie. Elle est identifiée par des paramètres qui possèdent une signification épidémiologique simple, ce qui permet de comparer les évolutions de l'épidémie entre trois pays : France, Italie et Espagne. L'optimisation des paramètres est effectuée par un processus classique de machine learning. Le modèle est applicable à tout pays dont les caractéristiques de gestion de l'épidémie sont similaires. Covid-19, épidémie, modélisation, simulation, machine learning, Cas infectés On trouvera facilement de très nombreuses publications récentes ou plus anciennes proposant des modélisations sophistiquées des épidémies. Les avancées dans ce domaine sont importantes et suivent les nouvelles capacités de simulation numérique, de modélisation mathématique comme d'optimisation par des techniques d'intelligence artificielle. Ces modèles profitent également de l'amélioration continue de la qualité des données. Il est impossible de citer tous ces travaux et ce n'est d'ailleurs pas l'objet de cet article. On pourra cependant consulter les travaux de T.L. Wiemken et R.R. Kelley [2], ou de V. Colizza & al. [3]. Parmi les plus récents, on pourra également consulter les travaux de Lin Jia et al. [4] ou de D. Caccavo . L'objectif de cette étude est de répondre à la question de savoir dans quelle mesure une modélisation macroscopique simplifiée couplée à une identification automatique par machine learning donne des résultats intéressants qui peuvent être appliqués à l'épidémie du Covid-19 de début 2020. Les prévisions de son développement en fonction des politiques

foil de aluminio-Poliéster (PET). Se realiza una evaluación ambiental por medio de la matriz de Leopold / MED (Materia, Energía y Desechos) para comparar el empaque actual y el propuesto. El empaque actual contiene 6 materias primas PET 14g/m 2 , tinta 2g/ m 2 , adhesivo 2g/m 2 , foil de aluminio 21,6 g/m 2 , capa sellante Pe 110,5 g/m 2 . El empaque propuesto después de realizar pruebas de calidad elimina Poliéster, foil de aluminio, quedando PE 37,9 g/m 2 , con lo cual se elimina el impacto ambiental negativo en cuanto a aluminio de un solo uso, y disminuye uso de agua, y 50% en costos de adhesivo. Se compara características físicas, químicas y microbiológicas del producto con el empaque propuesto de polietileno de alta densidad, el empaque propuesto, disminuye el consumo de energía entre el 18 y 22%, en la temperatura de sellado, conservando las características físicas, químicas y biológicas del abono, coadyudando a mejorar la percepción ambiental de responsabilidad en el cuidado del ambiente. El impacto ambiental en la generación de residuos sólidos disminuye en 16% en peso y disminución del 50% de adhesivos, disminuyendo su costo en un 2% en comparación con el nuevo empaque, y sobre la percepción del consumidor, el 65,4% de encuestados manifiesta responsabilidad con el medio ambiente, el 98.5% escogería un empaque que se pueda reciclar, en tanto que el 90.8%, considera que la responsabilidad ambiental del productor aumenta calidad del producto.

El presente informe es el resultado de la primera etapa de la investigación La resistencia al modelo neoliberal en América Latina. Estudio comparado de tres movimientos sociales: El Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (México), el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra (Brasil) y los Piqueteros (Argentina). El trabajo se lleva a cabo en el departamento de Economía y Política Internacional del Centro Cultural de la Cooperación y busca ser un aporte a la ya extensa reflexión sobre los movimientos sociales y políticos de principios del siglo XXI. En la primera etapa del estudio nos dedicamos a analizar la globalización y las características generales de los movimientos de resistencia global que surgieron en los últimos años. En las próximas etapas trabajaremos sobre las características específicas de los Zapatistas en México, el Movimiento Sem Terra en Brasil y los Piqueteros en la Argentina para ver si éstos forman parte de los movimientos de resistencia global

Este artículo analiza los retos y las encrucijadas de las cooperativas de la economía solidaria que se proponen generar trabajo para los segmentos de la clase obrera que se insertaron en condiciones precarias sumisas. El trabajo promovido en estas cooperativas, ahí llamado de asociado, se enfrenta con diversos percances por no contar con una legislación específica para garantizar los derechos y suya reglamentación. Aún así, las cooperativas siguen siendo una alternativa para millares de trabajadores que aseguran unos beneficios en esta experiencia productiva.

s Russia lurches from crisis to crisis, it is difficult to be optimistic about its evolution toward democracy. Russia continues to confound our hopes and seems to be the exception to Western economic and political theories about the global triumph of democracy and liberal capitalism. 1 As the Economist observed, "false dawn follows false dawn." But our task is to analyze this evolution, not just lament it. Although it may be impossible to define Russian democracy in a way that satisfies all analysts and participants, we do know when we see democracy and when it is absent. Among other things, democracy entails free and fair elections, the rule of law, separation of powers, accountability of the executive to the legislative branch, a flourishing judiciary, the freedoms of speech, religion, assembly, dissent, and press, the right to own property and dispose of it freely subject to laws that are legitimately produced and implemented, effective civilian control over the means of violence-the power ministries-freedom from untoward state interference and oppression, and so on. With this brief and admittedly incomplete list in mind, we see how many of these prerequisites are honored more in the breach than in their observance. Not even the 1996 presidential elections can be called free and fair, even by our own poor recent standards. 2 And the next election in 2000 is likely to be worse, if only because of President Boris Yeltsin's example in 1996. 3 Despite all of the campaign finance scandals of both American parties, nobody contends that President Clinton bought the support of H.

Electricity is one of the fundamental necessities of human beings, which is commonly used for domestic, industrial and agricultural purposes. There lots of problem in distribution and metering. The wireless meter promise fast and accurate billing system. The traditional electro-mechanical meters, still widely used today are prone to drift over temperature and time as a result of mechanical nature of the components in the meter. The problem worsens further in collecting the meter readings and generating the bill. In this paper, technique for Prepaid and postpaid scheme using SMS has been illustrated. GSM network is used for sending and receiving SMS. KEYWORD GSM Modem, Microcontroller, Server, and Wireless Meter.

Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Estabilidad financiera y dolarización 293 Jesús Zurita González** Estabilidad financiera y dolarización* Este artículo examina los vínculos entre dolarización, estabilidad financiera y estabilidad monetaria, en una economía pequeña y abierta cuya banca tiene acceso al crédito internacional. La principal conclusión es que si se logra un equilibrio fiscal sostenible, interporalmente, la dolarización resulta innecesaria para lograr la estabilidad monetaria y de precios. Debido a la importancia del sistema bancario como fuente de desequilibrio fiscal cuando incurre en dificultades financieras y es rescatada por el gobierno, se indica la necesidad de establecer medidas prudenciales para garantizar el buen funcionamiento del sistema bancario y con ello alcanzar la estabilidad financiera.

In the last 50 years, the sector of the Tourism in Portugal has had an extraordinary economic importance to the level of financial revenue (contribution for the balance of payments and equilibrium) and by the creation of employment and sustained development of tourist regions. Due to the importance reached by the sector of the Tourism in Portugal, the goal of this work is the analysis of the tourism revenues for the North Region of Portugal, in the period of 2006 to 2011. The tourism revenues allow measuring the performance of the sector and the economic impact of several policies for the Tourism. It follows that the first differences of logarithm model is the econometric model that explains better the tourism revenue in the North Region. The estimated model allows saying that the total tourism revenue are influenced by variations occurred in the number of national and foreigners tourists, in the available income of the national and foreigners tourists and still in the typology of the hotel establishment. In spite of the high increase of the foreign tourists in the North Region and hotel investment, the main contribution for the tourism revenue was the national tourists (internal market).

El hombre esta, continuamente, aprendiendo. Es un proceso inmanente de si porque siempre esta activando procesos que, consciente e inconscientemente, le permiten adquirir conocimientos: La percepcion del mundo, el analisis de las situaciones que vive diariamente, la lectura de los variados accesos a informacion (relevante y no) y la escritura. Pero, ?Como adquiere el estas habilidades y, en especifico, la escritura? El docente de lenguaje reconoce esto pero, durante anos, no reconoce el mas apropiado metodo para aprender a escribir. Esto nos atane hoy aqui; en este texto intentare persuadir al docente lector (profesional o en formacion) acerca del metodo que ha dado muchos frutos en la psicologia: el metodo constructivista. Me valdre de Piaget, padre del constructivismo, en las letras de Ferreiro y Teberosky. Tambien usare el pensamiento sociocultural de Vigotsky a la luz de Rosa Julia Guzman.

Current trends in refugee protection within the African continent expose the deep-seated manifestations of coloniality. The 20 th -century Eurocentric approaches to the management of people of concern continue to guide refugee protection in Africa. The approaches that are arguably a triumph of 'European Universalism' or Eurocentrism in refugee protection, both in theory and praxis, continue to be questioned because of their unmistakable results -the formation of hierarchies between Africans based on nationality and territoriality. This has led to the categorisation of African people and power conflicts, clashes, and intense contests for co-existence. Such a status quo has been normalised to be natural, occasioning deplorable refugee situations in the continent. Against such a background, this article aims to augment and complement the broad swathe of literature in the quest for African Renaissance movements using a Decolonial approach to refugee protection. It departs from untangling the lived experiences of the forcibly displaced, particularly refugees and asylum seekers, to critique the Westerninfluenced system of refugeehood in Africa. The research argues that the modern approaches to refugeehood rooted in Eurocentrism have eliminated ways of acceptance and co-existence amongst Africans, disregarding some of the traditional ways of incorporation, inclusion and integration. Instead, the refugee regime has been ordering, othering and hierarchizing the forcibly displaced, making them typical subjects of coloniality. It suggests decolonising the asylum system, considering an African-driven refugee regime and the involvement of local communities in the management of migration.

This paper identifies those elements that were common in all cooperative networks around the world by presenting the process of adoption of universal cooperative principles inside the provinces that were reunited in interwar Romania, while observing the mutual adaptation of organizational models among different ethno-cultural entities defined as minorities and the actual ethnic national majority. We operate methodologically according to a methodic circle that helped us to distinguish the historical sources of nationalist/nation-building rhetoric and the pragmatically achieved goals (balances). In case of cooperatives, we observed that constructive/interactive community-building goals and routine overwhelmed negative, reactive or even destructive nationalist goals. The latter did not reach the cooperative sector effectively or only remained dead letter on political manifestos and propaganda (boycott or sabotage) both in the prewar constituent period and the interwar era. Nevertheless, there was a continuous mutual (incongruent) influence among the neighboring networks, both in strategies, technics, architecture and organizational forms. This study tries to contribute to the research of the economic institutionalization and mobilization phase of nation-building as theorized by Anthony D. Smith and Miroslav Hroch by identifying those modern institutions, including savings banks and cooperative networks that assembled ethno-national entities into modern economic and market economy framework, while verifying the legitimacy or anachronism of using national 'bias' in case of these modern financial-economic institutions and cooperative networks. Studies 2023. 1.

Presenta algunos antecedentes sobre las condiciones de la economia campesina y la produccion de alimentos y de los fundamentos de la agropiscicultura y de los sistemas integrados, dando ejemplos prehispanicos y asiaticos. Analiza la experiencia de chinampas y granjas integradas en Mexico, especialmente en sus aspectos tecnicos y sociales. Discute criterios tecnicos y metodos educativos a ser considerados en los proyectos de desarrollo rural y agropiscicultura.

Anwar Shaikh is one of the world’s leading economists who draws on Karl Marx and the classical economists (“political economy”, if you like). He has taught at New York’s New School for Social Research for more than 30 years, and authored three books and six dozen articles. [1] This is his most ambitious work. As Shaikh says, it is an attempt to derive economic theory from the real world and then apply it to real problems. He applies the categories and theory of classical economics to all the major economic issues, including those that are supposed to be the province of mainstream economics, like supply and demand, relative prices in goods and services, interest rates, financial asset prices and technological change.

This article interrogates the impact that the codification of the International Crime of Ecocide may have in addressing and curtailing the environmental harms produced by the chemical industry in Latin America and the Global South. We contend that the International Crime of Ecocide should challenge the historical narratives that have informed international law and its relationship with colonialism. The role that Monsanto/Bayer plays in ecocidal practices such as the development, testing, and use of Agent Orange as war technology is examined, and we demonstrate its connection with current uses of Glyphosate in the war on drugs. At the center of this reflection are the connections between the chemical corporation, state crime, war, and ecocide. This allows us to offer a broader picture of the sociolegal and criminogenic practices that have historically contributed to ecocide and the normalization of corporate impunity in the Global South, specifically after World War II.