Political History

Jahrhundert der Monarchie hat man das neunzehnte genannt. In den meisten Staaten Europas hat sie alle politischen und gesellschaftlichen Umbrüche seit der Französischen Revolution überstanden, alle neuen Staaten erhielten ein gekröntes Haupt. Mit den beiden Hauptformen staatlicher Macht, Imperium und Nationalstaat, hat sie sich als Institution verbündet, Konstitutionalisierung und Parlamentarisierung lernte sie zu ertragen, zu steuern und zu begrenzen, Demokratisierung hinzunehmen fiel ihr schwer. Ungeachtet aller Beharrungskräfte, die von ihr ausgingen oder in ihr Rückhalt fanden, war sie fähig, sich zu wandeln.

This doctoral thesis focuses on the coverage by the renowned British newspaper, The Times, of two very similar and related conflicts in the Iberian Peninsula during the 1830s. These were the Siege of Oporto in Portugal (1832-1833) and the First Carlist War (1833-1840) in neighboring Spain, and the public and overt support for the liberal cause in both conflicts. The study attempts to put the coverage of these two conflicts in the pages of The Times into historical context and is complemented by a study of the origins and evolution of The Times of London newspaper from its beginnings in 1785 to the mid-nineteenth century. The research incorporates an in-depth study of a selection of news stories appearing in the daily editions of The Times specifically related to the siege of the Portuguese city of Oporto by the forces of Dom Miguel, King of Portugal, during the fourteen-month conflict. Particular emphasis is placed on determining whether The Times had its own special correspondents in situ who reported from the besieged city. The editorial policy of strict anonymity imposed by the editor, Thomas Barnes, makes it extremely difficult to personally identify The Times' special correspondents, both in Portugal and Spain, during the two conflicts studied in this thesis. Given that the duration of the First Spanish Carlist War is comparatively much longer—almost seven years—than the Siege of Oporto, the research and study of the coverage of the First Spanish Carlist War in the daily editions of The Times is limited to a period of nineteen months, from January 1833 to July 1834. The thesis includes graphs showing the category news source, numerical quantity and the evolution over time of news entries related to both conflicts in the pages of The Times.
The thesis also considers the important role that The Times, as a leading newspaper in Europe and around the world, played in the consolidation of the liberal regimes in both Portugal and Spain during the 19th century and examines the connection between the newspaper's editorial line under the control of the famous liberal editor Thomas Barnes and British foreign policy regarding Portugal and Spain under the influence of Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary. Between the late 1830s and October 1865, Palmerston was a leading figure in shaping British politics, especially foreign policy, holding a number of important ministerial posts in the various Whig governments of the era and eventually becoming Prime Minister of the United Kingdom at the end of his long political career, which lasted almost 35 years in total. The research highlights the surprising political and diplomatic influence that The Times exerted on the history of Portugal and Spain during the 19th century and its important historical legacy in the formation of contemporary Spain and Portugal.

This contribution examines Venetian neutrality during the Franco-Habsburg confrontation between 1688 and 1714, focusing on the Republic of Venice’s legal and diplomatic strategies amid the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Spanish Succession. While Venetian policy sought to preserve both its territorial integrity and its historical dominio over the Adriatic Sea, the Republic faced significant legal and political challenges from the belligerent powers. Drawing on archival research conducted in Paris and Venice, this study explores the legal frameworks underpinning Venetian neutrality, including treaty obligations, maritime law, and the Republic’s place within the early modern theory and practice of neutrality. The findings highlight how Venice leveraged legal instruments, diplomatic rhetoric, and pragmatic enforcement measures to preserve its sovereignty in an era of European-wide conflict, contributing to broader debates on neutrality and the law of nations in early modern Europe.

En los años ochenta, Guerra intentaría recobrar el valor de la dimensión simbólica en los procesos históricos, y, de alguna forma, rescatar a la historia intelectual latinoamericana del ocaso a que la había conducido la vieja tradición de historia de "ideas". "El lenguaje", asegura, "no es una realidad separable de las realidades sociales, un elenco de instrumentos neutros y atemporales del que se puede disponer a voluntad, sino una parte esencial de la realidad humana". 1 En dicho intento habría, sin embargo, de reformular radicalmente su objeto. Comprender un "lenguaje político" no implicará ya meramente entender qué se dice en un texto o discurso dado, identificar las diversas "ideas" presentes en él y filiar las mismas, que es el procedimiento tradicional de la historia de "ideas". De lo que se trataría ahora es de trascender su instancia textual y reconstruir cómo fue posible para su autor decir lo que dijo, qué categorías tenía éste disponibles para comprender, volver inteligible su realidad. Y, fundamentalmente, cómo un determinado suelo categorial eventualmente se altera, torsionando los lenguajes políticos de un periodo. Dicha perspectiva resultará en cuatro desplazamientos fundamentales que, a partir de Modernidad e independencias, colocarán a la historiografía sobre la crisis de la independencia en un nuevo terreno. En primer lugar, Guerra rompe con el esquema tradicional en la historia de "ideas" de las "influencias ideológicas". Lo que desencadena la mutación cultural que analiza no es tanto la lectura de libros importados como la serie de transformaciones que alteran objetivamente las condiciones de enunciación de los discursos. Como señala, la convergencia con Francia al nivel de los lenguajes políticos "no se trata de fenómenos de modas o influencias-aunque éstos también existan-sino, fundamentalmente, de una misma lógica surgida de un común nacimiento a la política moderna. Guerra descubre así

This paper aims at studying the development of film advertising in the 1930's Albanian press. Through advertising we struggle to read a piece of the Albanian monarchy's history. Considering advertising as a historical source tends to reflect the economic, social and cultural life of the country. The study focused on the features, characteristics and uniqueness of advertising the films in relation to other ads present in print. Who were the people who created the ads, how does the Albanian press film advertising compare to advertising in the foreign press and what were the difficulties facing advertising at this time, are the other important issues addressed in this study. Over a century has passed since Harper's Weekly wrote that 'advertisements are a reflection of real life, a kind of fossil by which chroniclers can rewrite history in order to complete the graphic, even if all other historical evidence may have disappeared 4 .

This is a series of five blogposts published in 2013 on a blog hosted by Theresa Earenfight, "Queens in the Middle Ages." Co-written by Earenfight and myself, the blog posts report on an undergraduate seminar Earenfight and I co-taught at Seattle University in Spring 2013 on a hitherto-unstudied text on fertility and birth, Pierre André’s Pomum aureum (1444), addressed to Gaston IV, the Count of Foix.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2015.A construção do legado de Fernando Henrique Cardoso tem transcorrido a partir do signo de rupturas e dicotomias estruturantes, características que se articulam em torno da ideia da transição da atividade intelectual para a atividade política, num processo que reforça traços marcantes da imaginação política brasileira. Partindo da crítica dessa visão, este trabalho investiga o que o processo de formação do legado do autor como levado a cabo até aqui tem a dizer sobre os modos pelos quais se produz e se reinventa o ?pensamento político brasileiro?, ou, em outras palavras, o que sua trajetória intelectual individual representa em relação à trajetória coletiva de pensamento designada por esta expressão. Duas teses interpretativas principais são desenvolvidas ao longo deste trabalho: a primeira, de que o fio de continuida...

Vers 1445, un Espagnol anonyme-l'on a des raisons de penser, comme nous verrons par la suite, que c'était Pero Díaz de Toledo-traduisit le petit traité du Père et Docteur de l'Église grecque, saint Basile le Grand de Césarée (c.330-79), connu aujourd'hui sous le nom de l'Homélie XXII ou De libris gentilium legendis 1. En tête de la traduction castillane, qui, dans l'unique Ms. conservé, porte le titre Basilio de la reformación de la ánima, nous trouvons une dédicace adressée au mécène le plus renommé de l'Espagne du XV e siècle, «el muy magniffico señor Yñigo Lopez de Mendoça, señor de la Vega», futur marquis de Santillane (1398-1458). Ce précieux Ms. (Bibliothèque Nationale Ms. esp. 458, ff. 65-69 v) est une copie exécutée sur vélin et luxueusement ornée, dont l'encadrement du premier feuillet renferme les heaumes de Santillane et les armes de sa famille, Mendoza-Vega et Figueroa, ce qui prouve que notre Ms. provient de la célèbre bibliothèque que le marquis réunit dans son château de Guadalajara. Il s'agit, sans aucun doute, d'un apographe transcrit directement de l'exemplaire original présenté au Marquis, et copié par un écrivain de sa chancellerie. L'épouse

Nel corso di una lezione tenuta nel marzo 1942 agli studenti di un liceo scientifico bolognese, il professore Umberto Brauzzi riassunse in alcune roboanti frasi l'intera azione politica italiana sulla Corsica e soprattutto le concrete motivazioni poste alla base della rivendicazione fascista dell'isola tirrenica : « L'antemurale Sardo-Corso, con la Corsica in mano agli estranei, vorrebbe significare la più pericolosa breccia nel nostro dispositivo di difesa, la paralisi di ogni movimento, dall'arco ligure sino al campano. Vincitori senza la Corsica non ci potremmo dire mai ; ché, per apportare al mondo, serenamente, il contributo dell'indiscussa nostra civiltà e all'ordinamento della nuova Europa, è assolutamente necessario che non siano menate le basi del nostro movimento commerciale più ricco : ci occorre cioè il pieno possesso dell'isola 1 . E ancora, più avanti : La nostra piattaforma di lancio, la penisola, è profondamente vulnerabile, per l'intrusione, nel bel mezzo di una terra nostra, della Francia che sorveglia e preclude le libere vie del mare e dell'aria » 2 . Al di là delle dichiarazioni di continuità geografica (la Corsica veniva paragonata alla Dalmazia, con la speculare funzione di limite estremo di un « gran golfo » italiano : là l'Adriatico, qui il Tirreno) e di comunità nazionale (i corsi erano definiti come una naturale « filiazione » della « razza italica »), ciò che emergeva dal ragionamento di Brauzzi era la dimensione squisitamente strategica dell'intero impianto rivendicazionista : l'isola tirrenica doveva passare sotto il controllo di Roma per perfezionare la « fortezza Italia », chiudendo in modo particolare l'area della capitale in una sorta di « lago italiano » e permettendo un raddoppio della portaerei naturale sarda nel pieno centro del Mediterraneo. Di certo la rivendicazione trovava anche una remota motivazione in rancori mai sopiti, anzi semmai amplificati con il vicino d'Oltralpe. Emblematica appariva un'altra affermazione del Brauzzi : « Noi dobbiamo arguire della dura battaglia che l'Italia deve ancora sostenere per aggregarsi l'isola più italiana d'Italia » 3 . Frase emblematica ma anche di articolare peso politico, se si tiene conto del periodo in cui venne enunciata, con una Francia per metà occupata e per metà in bilico tra una neutralità collaborativa e un collaborazionismo totale e convinto nei confronti dell'Asse. Nuovamente, come nel caso delle altre vertenze con la Francia (principalmente Tunisi, Gibuti e il Nizzardo), si assisteva a una complicata e a tratti penosa relazione schizofrenica con Vichy, realtà statale a parole inglobata nel Nuovo Ordine ma nei fatti -e la sopravvivenza di una Corsica francese contro tutte le affermazioni del Brauzzi ne era la testimonianza -ad esso nemico, almeno secondo le considerazioni degli analisti italiani. La rivendicazione fascista dell'isola tirrenica risaliva agli albori del Regime, e superava per anzianità le vertenze transalpine sulla Provenza e la Savoia. Nel 1924 venne istituito su ordine di Mussolini un « Comitato per la Corsica » avente lo scopo, come si legge in una relazione commissionata dal Ministero degli Esteri nel 1939, di « mantenere tra i regnicoli e i Corsi viva la questione dell'italianità dell'isola » 4 . La presidenza dell'associazione fu data a Francesco Guerri, un docente universitario d'origine corsa, affiancato da un incaricato del Ministero degli Esteri e dall'onorevole Quirino Figlioli. Il Ministero dispose sul fondo del gabinetto un « congruo stanziamento » per sostenere le iniziative del Comitato. Nello stesso periodo il dicastero si preoccupò di riorganizzare la rappresentanza diplomatica italiana sull'isola. L'obiettivo era di rendere l'iniziativa irredentista più efficace possibile, dando ad essa un retroterra solido e organizzato composto dalla rete consolare

Spécialités de recherche Histoire urbaine des anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons (XIII e-premier XVI e siècle). Cultures et idéologies politiques en Europe à la fin du Moyen Âge. Communication politique en Europe du Nord-Ouest à la fin du Moyen Âge.

This thesis investigates leadership, power dynamics, and mass-elite relations in classical Athenian democracy (507-323 BCE), addressing critical theoretical and interpretive gaps in current scholarship. While much research either overemphasises the power of the dēmos (the people) or exaggerates elite influence, this study advances a balanced and theoretically informed perspective. Offering a nuanced understanding of leadership as a relational and process-oriented phenomenon that operates across formal and informal spheres, it adopts transactional and transformational leadership theories as a foundational framework. The study examines the distribution and exercise of power in the Athenian polis (city-state), extending beyond formal political institutions to economic, cultural, and social domains.

The research focuses on three primary areas: (1) the impact of factional alignments and elite networks on leadership dynamics and mass-elite relations; (2) the interplay of wealth, reciprocity, and philotimia (love of honour) in shaping leadership roles and civic obligations; and (3) the balance between individual influence and collective rule in political decision-making processes.

The findings reveal that leadership in Athens was characterised by a dual nature: while elite figures could wield considerable influence, their power remained conditional on the approval and sovereignty of the dēmos, which in turn relied on the resources and expertise provided by elites. This interdependent relationship can be conceptualised as a form of diarchy (co-rule) – a complex power-sharing arrangement between the dēmos and elites – where leadership was a dynamic process involving both social influence and institutional authority. Transactional leadership practices, underpinned by reciprocal exchanges and obligations, formed the backbone of Athenian politics, while transformational leadership surfaced less frequently, often through charismatic speakers in crisis-driven contexts.

The study concludes that effective leadership was largely situational and relied more on the social paradigm of reciprocity and charis (goodwill) than on specific individual traits. By integrating the political-legal, economic, and social dimensions of leadership, this thesis reframes Athenian democracy as a cooperative yet stratified structure, challenging simplistic narratives of popular dominance or elite capture. In doing so, it contributes to historical inquiry into democratic legitimacy, the role of socio-economic elites, and the applicability of leadership theories to historical contexts, offering fresh insights into the complexities of Athenian democracy.

Resumen En el presente trabajo partimos de una clara ponderación de la escritura epistolar como espacio gnoseológico que surge de la relación entre Ricardo Pal-ma y Miguel de Unamuno, entre los años 1903 y 1913. Por tanto se inscribe, asi-mismo, en el campo de estudio de las relaciones culturales entre España y Améri-ca. Como consecuencia, nuestro propósito principal no supone un abordaje sola-mente intratextual sino intertextual de la obra de Palma y la de Unamuno, en aquellos textos en los que se cruzan, ya sea bajo la forma de prólogos, comenta-rios o sencillamente en el intercambio epistolar. En marco esbozado, leemos una serie de problemáticas que se ocupan de la historia, la literatura y la lengua. Palabras clave: epistolario-relaciones culturales-literatura peruana. Abstract This paper originates from a clear consideration of epistolary writing as a gnoseologic space stemming from the relation between Ricardo palma and Miguel de Unamuno, from 1903 to 1913. Thus it is inscribe...

Tax fraud remains the greatest challenge to the government across the world, but the alarming rate at which it is being perpetrated in Nigeria is of concern to the government. The government has lost billions of naira as a result of this. The involvement of taxpayers in tax fraud depends on the level at which they perceive the institution of governance. Hence, this study examined the influence of interaction between institutional quality and taxpayers’ behaviors on tax fraud management in south-west Nigeria. The study employed a quantitative method to generate data from the total population of 504,263 respondents. The sample size consisted of 400 taxpayers (companies and businesses) registered with the Federal Inland Revenue Service in southwest Nigeria. The data were analyzed using the partial least squares structural equation model (PLS-SEM). The interaction of institutional quality and taxpayer behaviors on tax fraud management was found to have a significant negative relationshi...

Tax fraud remains the greatest challenge to the government across the world, but the alarming rate at which it is being perpetrated in Nigeria is of concern to the government. The government has lost billions of naira as a result of this. The involvement of taxpayers in tax fraud depends on the level at which they perceive the institution of governance. Hence, this study examined the influence of interaction between institutional quality and taxpayers’ behaviors on tax fraud management in south-west Nigeria. The study employed a quantitative method to generate data from the total population of 504,263 respondents. The sample size consisted of 400 taxpayers (companies and businesses) registered with the Federal Inland Revenue Service in southwest Nigeria. The data were analyzed using the partial least squares structural equation model (PLS-SEM). The interaction of institutional quality and taxpayer behaviors on tax fraud management was found to have a significant negative relationshi...

Pembangunan yang dilakukan terhadap golongan minoriti umat Islam di Kemboja dikenalpasti masih di tahap yang rendah. Keadaan ini memerlukan perubahan memandangkan sebelum ini penindasan pernah dilakukan semasa zaman regim Pol Pot berkuasa pada tahun 1975 hingga 1979. Kebanyakan rakyat Kemboja termasuk yang beragama Islam telah dibunuh dengan kejam, dipinggirkan dari negara sendiri, dihalang daripada melaksanakan kewajipan agama seperti solat dan menutup aurat, serta diseksa fizikal dan mental.Terdapat jurang sosio-ekonomi yang agak jelas berlaku kepada golongan minoriti Islam di Kemboja.Dari perspektif hak asasi manusia secara universal dan sudut hak-hak asasi manusia dalam Islam golongan minoriti Islam yang pernah mengalami zaman penindasan ini perlu diberikan harapan baru.Oleh itu penulisan ini akan membincangkan cadangan program pembangunan untuk penduduk minoriti Islam di Kemboja dari aspek sosio ekonomi, budaya, kesihatan dan pembangunan modal insan.Penulisan ini juga akan meng...

Through the issue of electoral abstention, this paper examines partisan disconnections arising from demobilization and dealignment trends in Malta: a country characterized by ‘near universal turnout’ and strong party loyalties. This socio-political understanding of turnout is examined within a triangular framework, addressing the macro-institutional and micro-individual dimensions of abstention. Apart from the wider socio-political and cultural milieu, several demographic, institutional, and psychological variables are related to turnout. A typology based on the regularity and rationale of abstention proposes four main types of non-voters: ideological, antagonistic, indifferent, and circumstantial. The typology further differentiates between passive and active non-voters and insiders and outsiders to the political system. Despite their vast heterogeneity, non-voters tend to be younger, better-educated, more liberal, and more supportive of left-wing ideology. Non-voting is largely ty...

Uvod Znakovite su rasprave na raznim mail listama, a iz ove rasprave sa Ivom Josipovićem ili nekim tko se u virtualnom svijetu predstavlja kao on, nažalost vidljiva je duboka i nepremostiva podjela unutar hrvatskog nacionalnog bića. Što predstavlja hrvatsko nacionalno biće? Hrvatski identitet! Hrvati ne znaju koji su to elementi nacionalnog identiteta. Identitet je ono što razlikuje jednu naciju od druge, te predstavlja osnovu za razlikovanje Hrvatske od drugih zemalja u okruženju. Identitet je ono što Hrvatsku čini jedinstvenom i po čemu se ona pamti.

For evaluating breast cancer screening programs it is important to know something about tumour growth rates and the sensitivity of the screening, and also their risk factors. Relevant variables, such as tumour size, are typically only observable at time of diagnosis. How can one estimate tumour growth when the size of each tumour is only measured once? There exists information in dierences between tumours found at screening and tumours found clinically. Stochastic models of cancer development and detection can therefore be constructed, which yield the distribution of observable variables at diagnosis. In many studies multi-state Markov models have been used in which the tumour passes through dierent states. The approach used here is to model tumour growth with a continuous function. Likelihood theory is used to nd estimates for the risk factor parameters.

For evaluating breast cancer screening programs it is important to know something about tumour growth rates and the sensitivity of the screening, and also their risk factors. Relevant variables, such as tumour size, are typically only observable at time of diagnosis. How can one estimate tumour growth when the size of each tumour is only measured once? There exists information in dierences between tumours found at screening and tumours found clinically. Stochastic models of cancer development and detection can therefore be constructed, which yield the distribution of observable variables at diagnosis. In many studies multi-state Markov models have been used in which the tumour passes through dierent states. The approach used here is to model tumour growth with a continuous function. Likelihood theory is used to nd estimates for the risk factor parameters.

Para a compreensão do contexto político português da segunda metade de oitocentos são de uma riqueza extraordinária, as fontes de origem literária. Cruzadas com outro tipo de fontes, como a imprensa, permitem o estabelecimento de quadros correlacionais de interpretação histórica na perspectiva comparativista, bastante elucidativos. Muito deste contributo literário deveu-se a autores contemporâneos da designada Geração de 70 (1870) como Eça de Queirós, Ramalho Ortigão, Guerra Junqueiro, Júlio Dinis e Oliveira Martins entre outros. No contexto transformista da historiografia portuguesa contemporânea, muitos historiadores já utilizam estes recursos como fonte sociológica estabelecendo a intersecção entre a literatura e a imprensa coeva, que constitui outro testemunho ímpar para o esclarecimento destas questões. A viragem para a adopção na nossa historiografia desta metodologia deu-se com Joel Serrão e é depois prosseguida numa fase mais recente por outros estudiosos, como

El texto tiene por objetivo dar un panorama general de la presencia de las venerables órdenes terceras en territorio novohispano, a partir de un estudio de caso particular: el de la tercera orden franciscana de la Ciudad de México, que contó con prácticas devocionales específicas, que generaron una o varias formas de identidad, así como distintos mecanismos y prácticas que les dieron cohesión e identidad.

Archiwum dźwiękowe wolińskiego muzeum, zwane „taśmami Kaubego”, przeleżało zakurzone w magazynie ponad pół wieku. Treść odnalezionych nagrań, zredagowaną i opracowaną naukowo, przekazujemy na ręce Czytelników w niniejszym tomie. Ocalone od zapomnienia „głosy z przeszłości” opowiadają o tragicznych losach ludzi, którzy po burzliwych doświadczeniach wojny i okupacji znaleźli swoją małą ojczyznę na Pomorzu Zachodnim – nad Dziwną i Świną.

Lynch 6 . Lynchs Forschungen sind nicht nur die jüngsten, sondern nähern sich Bolívar auch am kritischsten. Diese Biographie ist für den historisch interessierten Leser die beste Quelle, um sich weiter in das Thema Bolívar zu vertiefen. "Bolívar der Feldherr" kann kein Bestandteil dieser Arbeit sein. Seine militärischen Leistungen werden daher ausgeklammert. Diese Arbeit widmet sich ausschließlich dem Denken Bolívars, das die Historiker als rein europäisch bezeichnen. Die Arbeit deckt den Zeitraum zwischen Bolívars Geburt 1783 bis zum Kongress von Angostura 1819 ab, obwohl die Revolution bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht vollendet war. Mit dem Kongress wurde die Unabhängigkeitsbewegung stabilisiert, er stellte den entscheidenden Wendepunkt dar. Bis zum Kongress entwickelte Bolívar im wesentlichen sein politisches Programm, das sich später in den Verfassungen und Gesetzen niederschlug. Auch wenn Bolívar durch seine Gesetzgebung die Gesellschaft maßgeblich beeinflusste, kann diese Arbeit keine Analyse der Auswirkungen geben. Seine Ideen wirkten lange in der Geschichte nach und bilden eine eigene Grundlage für eine zukünftige Untersuchung. Obwohl die Arbeit historiographische und biographische Züge trägt, bleibt sie in ihrem Kern eine philosophische. Da aber die Grenzen zwischen der Philosophie und anderen wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen fließend sind, ist es unerlässlich, sich auch diesen Teilen zu widmen.

El objetivo de la investigación es demostrar que los problemas vigentes de América Latina tienen sus raíces en la adaptación de los ideales europeos de la Ilustración al contexto latinoamericano. Este conflicto se demostrará a través de Simón Bolívar como una figura popular que tenía en sus manos la formación de las nuevas naciones en América Latina, pues conocía la realidad de las circunstancias en el continente. La independencia fue un punto de quiebre que permitiría hacer cambios radicales y aprender de la colonización como una experiencia histórica que necesitaba superarse. Sin embargo, la independencia tan sólo consistió en un cambio del grupo en el poder, sin modificar el sistema social que oprimió a tantas personas durante cientos de años; por ello se considera una independencia inconclusa

The article examines the interconnections between the use of republican concepts and the practice of political life in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the late 16th century. Dymitr Chalecki, who belonged to the petty nobility, made a brilliant political career for those times. In April 1590, he was nominated for the Land Treasurer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Chalecki put forward a program of improving the state economy and became one of the leaders of the nobility movement in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 1590s. Primary sources (mainly epistolary ones) show that Dymitr Chalecki quite often referred to such categories as law, justice, freedom, conscience, duty, patriotism, and the common good. The author emphasizes that Chalecki’s views were shaped not so much by his education, but by the traditions and practice of public life of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In turn, it indicates how deeply the classical republican tradition penetrated the political consciousness of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania’s nobility at the end of the 16th century.

4 maja 2025 roku o godz. 16:00 w Muzeum Regionalnym im. Andrzeja Kaubego w Wolinie odbyła się promocja pierwszego tomu książki „Nad Dziwnę i Świnę”. Zawiera ona wspomnienia i wywiady z pierwszymi polskimi osadnikami Ziemi Wolińskiej, nagrane na taśmy magnetofonowe przez A. Kaubego ponad pół wieku temu. Treść tych unikalnych, archiwalnych nagrań nie była nigdy wcześniej publikowana.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Este libro colectivo examina aspectos muy precisos de la historia de México y de Chile, tanto en clave comparada como en varios rasgos históricos compartidos, tales como la llegada de la vacuna contra la viruela en el virreinato de la Nueva España y la Capitanía General de Chile, la elaboración del pensamiento histórico en México y Chile decimonónicos, la invasión francesa a México en la mirada de un periódico conservador chileno, la revisión de la idea de progreso del periódico mexicano El Siglo Diez y Nueve y del periódico chileno El Ferrocarril, el papel de Chile y México en la Segunda Conferencia Panamericana de 1901, la colaboración de Gabriela Mistral en la educación mexicana, y las relaciones sindicales de Vicente Lombardo Toledano en Chile a mediados del siglo XX.

Os textos que compõem este livro expressam os  resultados de investigações desenvolvidas por pesquisadores  e pesquisadoras vinculados a diferentes instituições educacionais brasileiras, publicados sob a chancela do Grupo de Trabalho Nacional de História Política (GTNHP) da Associação Nacional de História (ANPUH).
Referência para citação:
PRIORI, Angelo; CARRERI, Marcio Luiz; MOREIRA, Raimundo Nonato Pereira (org.). História Política, Democracia e Direito Humanos: objetos, problemas e perspectivas. 1a. ed. Maringá, PR; São Paulo: Edições Diálogos; Anpuh-GNTHP, 2024. 253 p.

The Germans left their homeland and emigrated far away in the 18th and especially the 19th centuries for political, religious, economic and personal reasons. Thousands of people left the German states of that time every year. They went to America and Russia.

Napoleon's campaigns impoverished all of Germany, including the Kingdom of Württemberg. Where, in parallel with the economic hardship of the local population (the Swabians), religious sects that emerged in the Lutheran Church also became active. Among them was the “Pietist” group.

According to the Pietists, the only way for Germans to save themselves was far from their homeland, in Jerusalem, or in the Caucasus, near Mount Ararat, where Noahʼs Ark had come to rest. They were also troubled by the Napoleonic Wars. They saw Napoleon as the “Antichrist” and the “Black Angel” who opposed the “White Angel”, the Russian Emperor Alexander I. Napoleonʼs return from Elba in 1815 would herald new battles, and naturally this caused great concern among the “separatists”.

The preaching of the end of the world was supplemented by the poor harvest of 1816 in Europe and a great food crisis. The summer of 1816 was exceptionally cold for Western Europe and America. It even snowed in June, July, and August. Consequently, it was impossible to cultivate the land or grow crops. The poor harvest caused prices to increase almost tenfold, which led to famine and the spread of various diseases. As it turned out later, all this was connected with the eruption of the Tambora volcano in Indonesia in April 1815. As a result, Europe and North America were covered with a dense cloud of tons of volcanic ash for several months. The so-called “volcanic winter” was established. 1816 is also called the “Year Without a Summer”. Karl Stumpp talks in detail about the emigration of Germans in the Russian Empire, including the Caucasus. He notes that one of the reasons for the emigration of people was the cold and bad year of 1816.

The first colonies in Georgia:  According to the administrative division of the Russian Empire, the Georgian Governorate (Russian: «Грузинская губерния»), in addition to Eastern Georgia, also included the Ganja region. In 1817-1820, Germans who migrated from Württemberg founded eight settlements (Colonia) – Alexandersdorf, Annenfeld, Elisabethtal, Helenendorf, Katharinenfeld, Marienfeld, Petersdorf and Tifliser Kolonie (Neutiflis).

Το μεγάλο και σπουδαίο μεταφραστικό έργο του Κωνσταντίνου Θεοτόκη έχει απασχολήσει τη φιλολογική κριτική, ωστόσο μένει να ειπωθούν πολλά ακόμα. Η παρούσα εργασία εστιάζει στο μεταφραστικό έργο του Θεοτόκη από τα λατινικά, το οποίο, συνέβαλε, θεωρούμε, στη διαμόρφωση της ποιητικής του, αλλά και των θεματικών λοιπών έργων του και της ιδεολογίας του. Η απαρχή έγινε με τη μετάφραση ποιημάτων του Κάτουλλου (1898, α’ δημ. 1973) και αργότερα του Οράτιου (1906), για να συνεχίσει με τη μετάφραση των Γεωργικών του Βιργίλιου (1908, 1909) και να οδηγηθεί τελικώς στο, κατά τη γνώμη μας, magnum opus του, τη μετάφραση του De Rerum Natura του Λουκρήτιου (1916-1920, 1973, 1986). Στην εργασία μας παρουσιάζουμε δείγματα γραφής από το μεγάλο αυτό έργο, προκειμένου να φωτίσουμε πτυχές του ως προς τη γλώσσα και την ποιητική. Από τη μέθοδό του ως προς τη μετάφραση της αρχαίας ποίησης αναγνωρίζουμε τον Θεοτόκη ως poeta doctus, συγγραφέα δηλ. με υψηλή μόρφωση ως προς τη μετάφραση κορυφαίων έργων της λατινικής γραμματείας, αλλά και ως προς την ανάγνωσή τους παράλληλα με άλλα κείμενα.

Nikolai Rozhkov’s Town and Village in Russian History (Город и деревня в русской истории), published in 1902, is a historical and socio-economic study that examines the relationship between urban and rural life in Russia from the tenth century to 1900. As a Marxist historian, Rozhkov analyzes the long-term transformation of Russia’s economic, social and political structures, particularly focusing on the evolving dynamics between agrarian society and urban centers over nearly a millennium.

Las tesis que elaboraron los naturalistas europeos durante el siglo xviii a propósito de la degeneración tuvieron fecundas implicaciones políticas en el territorio neogranadino. En este capítulo se las estudia a través de la trayectoria de uno de los principales ilustrados del virreinato de Santa Fe, que pertenecía también a la única familia de la capital con (controvertido) título nobiliario y que adhirió a la revolución para morir en un cadalso en 1816. En un primer momento, el texto aborda la manera en que el grupo vinculado al Semanario del Nuevo Reyno de Granada intervino en el debate a propósito del abatimiento de los indígenas americanos. A continuación, analiza la pasión naturalista de Jorge Tadeo Lozano como una estrategia para esclarecer un linaje antiguo y cuestionado, del mismo modo que como una herramienta de fomento, domesticación y civilización. El texto concluye con el examen de las transformaciones que conocieron a lo largo del periodo revolucionario las ideas de nobleza y degradación, así como los debates a que dieron lugar.

Στις 27 Αυγούστου του 1923, ένας Ιταλός στρατηγός Ενρίκο Τελίνι και  τέσσερα επιτελικά του μέλη δολοφονήθηκαν στα ελληνοαλβανικά σύνορα ενώ προσπαθούσαν να οριοθετήσουν τα σύνορα Ελλάδος - Αλβανίας. Ο Ιταλός Στρατηγός Enrico Tellini ορίστηκε από την ΚΤΕ ως επικεφαλής των εργασιών στην ελληνοαλβανική μεθόριο.  Η διαχάραξη διεξήχθη εξ αρχής μέσα σε κλίμα έντονων αντεγκλήσεων κυρίως μεταξύ των Ελλήνων αντιπροσώπων και του Ιταλού Στρατηγού. Ο Ιταλός δικτάτορας Μπενίτο Μουσολίνι