Roman History

Si analizzano le diverse rappresentazioni del V secolo d. C. e dei suoi eventi (in particolare l'invasione di Attila e la caduta dell'Impero romano di Occidente) in testi teatrali dell'Otto e Novecento, in particolare la Gala Placidia di Guimerá, l'Attila di Werner, il Romulus der Große di Dürrenmatt, e la sua traduzione-versione inglese scritta da Gore Vidal.

La tarda antichità è spesso descritta come una "età dell'oro", intendendo con questa espressione che il sistema monetario dei secoli IV-VII si sarebbe strutturato soprattutto sulle coniazioni nel metallo più prezioso, attraverso cioè un vero e proprio "ancoramento all'oro" dell'intera struttura economica e dei prezzi. Il solido, moneta introdotta da Costantino, diventa così uno dei simboli per eccellenza del tardo Impero romano. Questo volume mira ad analizzare e approfondire in maniera sistematica gli aspetti sociali, economici e amministrativi legati alla produzione, alla diffusione e alla circolazione della valuta aurea, il suo statuto legale, il rapporto con le altre specie monetali, in riferimento alle attività finanziarie e alle tecniche contabili. Lo studio della moneta fornisce una serie di dati essenziali per una più ampia comprensione della struttura della società tardoantica e del potere d'acquisto dei diversi strati sociali e suggerisce importanti riflessioni sul trapasso istituzionale dall'Impero romano a quello bizantino e ai regni romano-germanici dell'Europa occidentale.

Livy's narrative of events at Tarentum during the Second Punic War reveals additional complexities to the historian's presentation of Hannibal, who emerges as an adept politician through his establishment of a positive working relationship with the city. Hannibal captures the city and endeavors to win the hearts and minds of his new allies. Hannibal thus emerges as an enemy who can defeat Rome in battle and undermine her political hegemony in the Italian peninsula. Roman recapture of the city under Fabius Maximus prophesies Rome's eventual victory in the war.

Drawing its title from William Blake, this essay explores the question of friendship in Iain Pears’s novel, The Dream of Scipio (2002). Using three overlapping historical narratives, Pears traces how the classical understanding of friendship, grounded in a logic of commonly held values, has given birth to a civilization that is both exclusionary and unethical. He makes his case by using the history of anti-Semitism to show how routine persecution of the Jews culminating in the Holocaust became a way to solidify communities in the face of such crises as barbarian invasions, the Black Death, and economic decline. The purpose of this essay is to examine Pears’s critique of the limitations of civilization and to outline his vision of a new perception of friendship that understands and values the ethical and pragmatic importance of difference.

Este artigo oferece, em primeiro lugar, uma revisão bibliográfica sobre a questão dos frisos de Odisseu no Esquilino, uma das mais importantes pinturas remanescentes da arte romana, adicionando comentários específicos à leitura feita por Timothy O’Sullivan sobre a ambulatio da elite que os frisos deveriam estimular. Com os elementos fornecidos por esta análise, pretende-se discutir algumas possibilidades hipotéticas a respeito da reconstituição do conjunto total dos frisos, bem como o seu significado.

This article offers firstly a review of published works concerning the Odyssey friezes from the Esquiline, one of the most important remaining paintings of ancient Roman
art, while also adding some comments to the interpretation of Timothy O’Sullivan about the elite ambulatio that the friezes should stimulate. From the elements provided by this analysis, we intend to discuss some possible hypotheses regarding a reconstruction of the total ensemble of friezes, as well as their significance.

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Abstract

The history of the first Jewish settlement in Sicily is controversial, although we know for sure that Sicilian Jews played a fundamental role in the islands’ history until the infamous edict of March 31, 1492 by Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain that expelled all Jews from the territory controlled by Spain. The expulsion effectively ended fifteen centuries of Jewish history. Today in Sicily there is more Jewish archeological evidence than in the entire country of Spain. The discovery of the Cairo Geniza confirmed not only the existence of an extensive Jewish trade in silk and books between the tenth and twelfth century, but also the existence of sea and land routes that were in “daily use” between the Sicily and Palestine. A long list of scholars, rabbis, doctors, poets, and various other Jewish Sicilian intellectuals have lived there and formed a vibrant and advanced community of knowledge. The intellectual work of Sicilian Jews extended from treatises on medicine and astronomy to mathematics and poetry. One among many, the convert to Christianity Yehuda Shmuel ben Nissim Abu’l Farag (Raimondo da Moncada), was “one of the most eminent European Hebraists of the fifteenth century”. He translated the Koran and taught Hebrew and Kabbalah to Pico della Mirandola, one of the most eminent figures of the Italian Renaissance. Most of these connections remain to be investigated, and much is yet to be done to better understand these Jewish communities, which have lived for more than fifteen centuries on the island, leaving us precious pearls still waiting to be discovered. This paper attempts to analyze some of the cultural elements of Sicilian Judaism in connection with the archeological evidence, and outlines the cultural contribution of the Sicilian community to Europe and the Mediterranean area.

Although the history of the Mongol Empire has caught the attention of scholars since the beginning of 20th century, little research has been done on the role of women among this nomadic society. The present article focuses on revising the role of women within the traditional medieval Mongol society. 
In order to do so, the paper is structured in two main areas of study. Firstly, it summarizes different general patterns of female role in the Mongol Empire.The second part of the article explores the role of the mother (Hö’elün) and the wife (Börte) of Chinggis Khan.
The main goal of the article is to underline the influential role played by these women during the early life of the “conqueror of the world”.

O conjunto dos historiadores antigos de língua latina, em especial Tito Lívio, Tácito e Amiano Marcelino, cujos textos chegaram melhor preservados até nós, apresenta determinadas características que os diferenciam da historiografia grega, e formam assim uma tradição escrita peculiar. Este artigo pretende discutir alguns aspectos teóricos relacionados à definição do gênero narrativo da historiografia latina, em especial quanto aos recursos retóricos utilizados pelos autores latinos para se inserir e se legitimar dentro da tradição.

Latin historians, such as Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus, whose texts have survived in better condition, have a set of particular features that distinguish them from Greek historiography, thus creating a distinctive written tradition. This article discusses some theoretical aspects related to the definitions of genre in Latin historiography, notably the rhetorical tools used by the Latin historians in order to include and endorse themselves within tradition.

The aim of The Secret History of Democracy has been to open debate on a larger view of democratic practice than that encapsulated by its wellknown standard history. The book came about from a concern that, while democracy was experiencing an ascendancy that began in the aftermath of the Second World War and intensified with the end of the Cold War, the global uptake of this particular form of governance came at the very moment when its limitations were becoming clearer: in its European and American heartlands there was less interest in participating in democracy; Clinton began in hope but ended in scandal; 9/11 was a victory for intolerance precisely because Western democracy restricted its own freedoms; the Bush, Blair and Howard governments became less relevant to their constituents and waged unpopular wars; the global financial crisis revealed democracy’s dependence on a flawed economic model; and difficulties in dealing with the global impact of climate change showed the limitations of national democracies, hostage to sectional interests. The exemplars of democracy were not having an easy time.

The notion that democracy could have a ‘secret’ history might at first seem strange to many readers. Indeed, the history of democracy has become so standardized, is so familiar and appears to be so complete that it is hard to believe that it could hold any secrets whatsoever. The ancient Greek practice of demokratia and the functions of the Roman Republic are foundational to Western understanding of politics; school textbooks introduce the Magna Carta and the rise of the English Parliament; Hollywood blockbusters recount the events surrounding the American Declaration of Independence; many best-selling novels have been written about the French Revolution; and the gradual global spread of the Western model of democracy has been a recurrent news story since the end of the Cold War. So pervasive is this traditional story of democracy that it has achieved the status of received wisdom: endlessly recycled without criticism by policy-makers, academics, in the popular media and in classrooms across the world.

The central argument of this book is that there is much more to the history of democracy than this foreshortened genealogy admits. There is a whole ‘secret’ history, too big, too complex and insufficiently Western in character to be included in the standard narrative.

Could democracy have a 'secret' history? Most of us are familiar with a history of democracy that emphasises the keystone moments in the story of Western civilization: the achievements of the ancient Greeks and Romans, the more recent development of the British parliament, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Revolution, and the gradual global spread of democracy since the end of the Cold War. The central argument of this book is that there is much more to the history of democracy than this standard history admits. There is a whole secret history, too big, complex and insufficiently 'Western' in character to be included in common accounts.

In exploring The Secret History of Democracy, the contributors establish that democracy was developing in the Middle East, India and China before classical Athens, clung on during the 'Dark Ages' in Islam, Iceland and Venice, was often part of tribal life in Africa, North America and Australia, and has developed in unexpected ways through the grassroots activism of Muslims, feminists and technophiles.


"This exciting book surely enlivens and enriches our debate on democracy and its future by digging afresh oft-forgotten, yet most enlightening democratic experiences found in human history. "
- Takashi Inoguchi, Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo and President of the University of Niigata Prefecture, Japan

"The thought-provoking essays gathered in The Secret History of Democracy provide convincing evidence that democratic mechanisms have been invented many times and in many places, including times and places neglected in common accounts. This collection is a sobering reminder that democratic practices have often been succeeded by something else. But one also takes away a sense of the dynamic character of democratic history and the endless diversity of practices with some reasonable claim to embody democratic principles. As growing numbers wonder about what sorts of political institutions make sense in the face of the enormous problems confronting the twenty-first century, this demonstration of the long human history of political creativity gives some reason for hope."
-John Markoff, Professor, University of Pittsburgh, USA

"A fascinating, thought-provoking and well-informed survey of little-known "roots of democracy" and "proto-democratic" systems and movements across the globe , from ancient and "primitive" to modern societies. An eye-opener that forces us to differentiate more carefully and to rethink the history of democracy."
- Kurt Raaflaub, Emeritus Professor, Brown University, USA

This paper is a look at the concept of centrality as developed in the work of spatial theorist Henri Lefebvre, with particular attention to his discussions of ancient Rome. It considers where Lefebvre might be a useful guide and, more importantly, where his theories conflict with ancient testimony.

Nearly every major philosophy, from Plato to Hegel and beyond, has argued that democracy is an inferior form of government, at best. Yet, virtually every contemporary political philosophy working today - whether in an analytic or postmodern tradition - endorses democracy in one variety or another. Should we conclude then that the traditional canon is meaningless for helping us theorize about a just state? In this paper, I will take up the criticisms and positive proposals of two such canonical figures in political philosophy: Plato and Hegel. At first glance, each is rather disdainful, if not outright hostile, to democracy. This is also how both have been represented traditionally. However, if we look behind the reasons for their rejection of (Athenian) democracy and the reasons behind their alternatives to democracy, I believe we can uncover a new theory of government that does two things. First, it maps onto the so-called Schumpeterian tradition of elite theories of democracy quite well. Second, perhaps surprisingly, it actually provides an improved justification for democratic government as we practice it today than rival theories of democracy. Thus, not only are Plato and Hegel not enemies of modern democratic thought after all, but each is actually quite useful for helping us develop democratic theory in a positive, not negative, manner.

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This paper makes an examination of the overall framework of the Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, and looks anew at his interpretation of recent history within that framework.  Following a long tradition of the use of prophecy and Biblical models to render the events of Armenian history explicable, Matthew has centred the Chronicle around two prophecies attributed to the eleventh-century clerical scholar Yovhannēs Kozeṙn, themselves extended in the twelfth century under the influence of the Apocalypse attributed to Methodius. This pair of prophecies provide the framework for his argument that both the Byzantine emperors and the Armenian kings had abandoned their responsibility toward the Armenian people.  The need to illustrate the truth of the vision laid out in Kozeṙn’s second prophecy affects Matthew’s own presentation of the events about which he writes.

In this paper I offer an assessment of the relationship between burial ritual and society in a small yet extremely interesting region of Southern Italy. Moving beyond acculturation and post-colonial discourses I have tried to discuss the relationship between funerary ritual and societal differentiation in native societies of Southern Italy in their own terms adopting an explicitly Marxist framework of analysis.

In this article, semantic which was a part of doctorate thesis based on Hikmet-namah written in 1488 by İbrahim ibn-i Bâlî was dealt. In the article taking contemporary linguistic approaches into consideration and phonem, morphem, semantic study was made on the level of text.

EGYPTIAN, ETRUSCAN, ROMAN: PIRANESI ANDAN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY DISCUSSION
One crucial debate that resonated in eighteenth-century Europe concerned the origins of European architecture whose effects continue to inform present-day notions of the same. Numerous important eighteenth-century works were produced in the context of emergence of the discipline of architectural history. In this architectural, historical, and archaeological framework, Venetian architect and scholar Giovanni Battista Piranesi (1720-1778) played an important role by his visual and literary works as well as original approach to history. Piranesi developed a history of architecture that was not based on the East/West division and the separation of continents. In opposition to writers like Winckelmann who rooted the origin of Roman architecture in the Greek, he claimed that Roman architecture derived from the Etruscan which found its roots in Egypt. Discussion of roots depended on the eighteenth century on aesthetical theory interpreting Grecian architecture as ‘beautiful’ and Roman -thus Egyptian- as ‘sublime’. It was in this lively intellectual environment that Piranesi searched the origins of Roman--and thus the whole European--architecture. His works were, however, misinterpreted as being Orientalist by contemporary scholars following Said.

The history of scepticism is assumed by many to be the history of failed responses to a problem first raised by Descartes. While the thought of the ancient sceptics is acknowledged, their principle concern with how to live a good life is regarded as bearing little, if any, relation to the work of contemporary epistemologists. In Scepticism Neil Gascoigne engages with the work of canonical philosophers from Descartes, Hume and Kant through to Moore, Austin, and Wittgenstein to show how themes that first emerged in the Hellenistic period are inextricably bound up with the historical development of scepticism. Foremost amongst these is the view that scepticism relates not to the possibility of empirical knowledge but to the possibility of epistemological theory. This challenge to epistemology itself is explored and two contemporary trends are considered: the turn against foundationalist epistemology and towards more naturalistic conceptions of inquiry, and the resistance to this on the part of non-naturalistically inclined philosophers. In contextualizing the debate in this way Gascoigne equips students with a better appreciation of the methodological importance of sceptical reasoning, an analytic understanding of the structure of sceptical arguments, and an awareness of the significance of scepticism to the nature of philosophical inquiry.

Em um trecho dos livros dos Anais dedicados ao principado de Tibério, Tácito faz uma análise das mudanças morais da sociedade romana entre o período Júlio-Cláudio e a ascensão de Vespasiano, e propõe a seguinte explicação: "A não ser que talvez exista algum tipo de ciclo em todas as coisas, e assim como se sucedem as estações, também mudam os costumes." 2 Mas o que Tácito queria dizer com esse "ciclo dos costumes"? Existiria nos Anais talvez algum indício dele? Pensar uma possibilidade de ciclos na narrativa de Tácito, morais ou não, significa em maior escala tentar compreender sua visão de tempo, construída tanto empiricamente quanto como abstração teórica. É surpreendente notar que este é um assunto pouco explorado na vastíssima extensão da literatura especializada referente ao autor. Sir Ronald Syme, por exemplo, dedica a esta passagem pouco mais de um parágrafo, dentro das mais de oitocentas páginas de seu livro, parafraseando o conteúdo da mesma e adicionando um breve comentário 3 .

"Este artigo discute, num primeiro momento, o conceito de temporalidade e de suas definições e aplicações, bem como algumas contradições inerentes a ele. Como objetivo principal, busca atualizar a discussão sobre como entender o uso da temporalidade dentro do contexto da historiografia antiga, fazendo uma crítica às associações da historiografia greco-romana com a idéia de ciclo e de seu contraponto na historiografia judaico-cristã, com a linearidade. Por fim, sugerimos que é possível ler essas duas diversas formas de historiografia invertendo tais idéias entre elas, demonstrando que tal paradoxo nada mais é do que reflexo dos paradoxos gerais do conceito teórico de temporalidade.

This article presents, in the first place, a debate on the concepts, definitions and applications of temporality, as well as some of its innate contradictions. The main goal here is to update the discussion about how to understand temporality within the context of Ancient Historiography, reviewing the associations of Greek and Roman Historiography with the idea of cycle and of its counterpoint, Jewish-Christian Historiography with linearity. Lastly, we suggest that it is possible to read these two different forms of Historiography also by an inversion of their associated ideas, thereby demonstrating that this paradox is nothing more than a reflection of the general paradoxes within the concept of temporality itself. Keywords: Ancient Historiography, time, temporality, cycle, decadence."

Pretendemos neste trabalho ler a obra de Tito Lívio através de uma determinada proposta: a Ab Urbe Condita seria a história não apenas da fundação e do desenvolvimento de Roma, mas também, através das ferramentas de interpretação que o próprio Tito Lívio nos traz, das refundações literais e/ou simbólicas da cidade. Nessa visão, podemos dizer que há um elemento de circularidade da História Romana em Tito Lívio, que demonstra sua originalidade em retrabalhar a tradição para especificar seus objetivos na construção do caráter romano e da definição de romanidade. Essa proposta de interpretação tem sido adotada em trabalhos como os de Kraus e Serres (KRAUS, 1994 e SERRES, 1983), e pretendemos aqui fazer uma leitura que tem primeiramente como base esses estudos. Seguimos, contudo, um pouco mais além, pra identificar paralelismos entre as narrativas e construções das figuras de Rômulo e Camilo no Ab Urbe Condita com a posição de Augusto na obra de Tito Lívio. É possível entender estes três momentos como pontos onde a renovação, tanto física, da cidade de Roma, e simbólica, da romanidade, são cruciais para o 1 Doutoranda em História Social -FFLCH/USP jbastos@usp.br desenvolvimento e consolidação do poderio romano. É claro que existem riscos nessa leitura, dado que obviamente não temos os livros de Tito Lívio relativos ao período augustano, mas podemos inferir vários elementos úteis no relacionamento entre Tito Lívio e Augusto, tanto reconhecíveis no texto quanto indiretos e externos, para que seja possível pelo menos uma tentativa de interpretação. Um outro problema que devemos considerar para verificar paralelismos de renovação de Roma em Rômulo, Camilo e Augusto é o aparente desequilíbrio na leitura do texto de Tito Lívio, na medida em que avaliaremos para tanto apenas os livros 1 (Rômulo), 5-6 (Camilo) e teoricamente os livros contemporâneos ao autor, descartando assim uma grande parte dos 142 livros do Ab Urbe Condita. Mas, quanto a isto, também deve ser observado que há um valor especial na primeira década de Tito Lívio, pelo caráter inicial de construção dos elementos da romanidade que depois, no decurso da História Romana, apenas se reafirmam. Pois, tomemos como base os seguintes Enfim, viver, estar fisicamente em Roma, assim como estão os deuses, é a condição sine qua non para ser romano. Sendo assim, Camilo faz com que Roma não seja a nova Tróia caída, quebrando portanto o ciclo de destruição das cidades e tornando a herança se Tróia um modelo abstrato, não mais uma realidade concreta. A Tróia que no final acaba por triunfar sobre os gregos perpetua-se em Roma. Augusto, durante seu governo, é comumente associado a Rômulo, como um novo fundador da cidade. Suetônio relata que alguns senadores tinham mesmo sugerido a Otaviano a adoção oficial de "Rômulo" como título, mas o nome "Augusto" foi escolhido pelo seu aspecto religioso e de dignidade em relação a santuários e locais consagrados pelos áugures 13 . Mas os dois nomes ainda estão interligados, quando vemos que Augusto aparece como um segundo Rômulo no sentido de refundar os pilares religiosos que definiam a identidade própria dos romanos. Para isso, foram adotadas diversas medidas para a retomada de cultos antigos que haviam caído em desuso e também pela restauração e construção de templos para diversas divindades 14 . Augusto ainda pode ser visto como um novo Camilo, pois que a refundação da cidade passou com o último também pela reconquista militar frente a uma invasão. Se Camilo derrotou os gauleses, Augusto derrota na guerra civil as forças de Marco Antônio e Cleópatra, que tinham uma forte tendência orientalizante. Camilo ressalta, como vemos no discurso de Tito Lívio, as virtudes fundamentais que constroem o caráter dos romanos, e Augusto na verdade faz o mesmo, pelo fortalecimento desses mesmos elementos perante a orientalização do império ameaçada com Marco Antônio. Nesse sentido, é fácil entender como essa refundação de Roma por Augusto tomou um caráter conservador. Augusto procura, em todas as mudanças que realizaseja em nível urbanístico, institucional ou outros -, promover o reestabelecimento da res publica 15 tradicional, dos princípios do mos maiorum, os valores antigos. O contraponto se dá explicitamente com o estado de degeneração moral da guerra civil, onde os valores tradicionais estavam corrompidos e deturpados por atitudes "não-romanas", como a ambição pelo poder e o desrespeito pela coletividade. Como observa Eder: "His greatest political achievement consists in having promoted the development of a patriotism that combined the legacy of the Republic and his own accomplishment in preserving that legacy. The Republic lived on, because Augustus had summoned once more to the consciousness of the Romans the responsibility that was traditional to them and befit them alone, namely, the responsibility of ruling over the earth: Tu regere impeio populos Romane memento [Virgílio, Eneida, 6.851]" (EDER, 1990:87) Como vimos acima, é através da auctoritas, que remete a Rômulo, que Augusto irá impor suas reformas e legitimizá-las. O texto das suas Res Gestae é revelador nesse sentido, pois nele Augusto pretende demonstrar que seus feitos foram voltados nada mais do que para o bom funcionamento do Estado, e todo o seu poder foi conquistado e

Neste trabalho pretende-se analisar uma representação específica da cidade de Roma dentro da tradição historiográfica latina, que é o uso da imagem do Capitólio como símbolo do poder da Urbs, centro tanto físico como alegórico da capital. Em Tito Lívio, no livro I, os episódios que relatam a ocupação do Capitólio são importantes para a construção da imagem de Roma como cabeça do mundo - imperii caputque rerum. Sendo assim, o destino do Capitólio seria por extensão o destino do império. Tal representação aparece sob um paradoxo de inversão de valores em Tácito, nos Anais especialmente em Nero, e nas Histórias quando da destruição do Capitólio na guerra civil de 69 d.C., o que para ele representam o máximo ponto de decadência da moral romana.

This paper deals with a particular representation of Rome inside the tradition of Latin Historiography. Both Livy and Tacitus use the Capitoline Hill, being both the physical and allegorical center of the capital, as a symbol of the Urbs and its power. In Livy's Book I, the episodes mentioning the occupation of the Capitol are important as a means of constructing an image of Rome as world's head - imperii caputque rerum. Therefore, the destiny of the Capitoline Hill is representative of the whole Empire's future. This same image appears in Tacitus under the paradox of a reversal of values, with Nero in the Annals and with the destruction of the Capitol in the Histories, on thecivil war of 69 AD, episodes which mean for Tacitus the highest level of decadence of Roman morals in its history. Keywords: Livy, Tacitus, Capitoline Hill, Roman Historiography.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. This content downloaded from 82.35.234.71 on Sat, 15 Aug 2015 10:16:37 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AD UNGUEM Armand J. D'Angour vos, o Pompilius sanguis, carmen reprehendite, quod non multa dies et multa litura coercuit atque praesectum deciens non castigavit ad unguem. (Horace Ars Poetica 291-94) You, O Sons of Pompilius, condemn that poem which many a day and many an erasure has not pruned and whittled down and chastened tenfold to the nail. "Censure a poem," Brink paraphrases, "which has not been reduced to right proportions and (when it has been reduced) has not been tested to a nicety."1 Tested, that is, by its author, whose action Horace has been thought here to be likening to the way a sculptor examines a com? pleted work for flaws. Translations of the final line commonly expand the phrase ad unguem to specify such a connotation, often taking prae? sectum to qualify unguem as in "to meet the test of the well-pared nail."2 But Brink has advanced convincing arguments against the supposition that praesectum qualifies unguem? Moreover, praesectum is positioned for emphasis and followed directly by deciens: the words must elaborate the process described by the foregoing coercuit.4 Prae-1 Brink 1971, 324-25. 2Rudd 1979, 198. Fairclough (1929, 475) similarly renders "to the test of the closecut nail." adduces Plautus' use of praesegmina for "nail clippings" to suggest that praesectum "goes naturally with unguem" 3Brink 1971, 323-24: "It makes sense neither to the stonemason nor to the Latinist ... the mason needs [his nails] for testing a true join, if he tests it that way ... ad unguem, 'to a nicety,' accepts an attribute as uncommonly as in annos." Some manuscripts have perfectum instead of praesectum: while the lectio difficilior is rightly retained by editors, perfectum would clearly pick up earlier carmen rather than look forward to unguem. 4Deciens might be taken with praesectum or castigavit. However, terminal atque in Horatian hexameters tends to connect the first word of the following line closely to the preceding verse rather than initiating a completely new clause, as in

This note contains information about job search for DPhil graduates. The first -and longest --part is devoted to the American job market, a large organized clearing house that meets once a year. The second part covers the European market. The emphasis is on academic and research jobs, although useful information is also provided on nonresearch jobs in the internet section. A list of Oxford resources appears at the end, as well as references to journal articles on the job market for economists and the ranking of various departments.