Roman Republic

Nos enfrentamos a una obra monográfica, más que una biografía, sobre uno de los personajes más importantes de la historia de Roma: Escipión Emiliano. A través de su figura, Manuel Salinas consigue imbuir al lector en los aspectos políticos, históricos, artísticos y literarios de la Roma del siglo II a.C. Para ello, el autor dedica un amplio esfuerzo en explicar el contexto histórico, la mentalidad, la estructura social, así como la jerarquía política y militar del periodo. La lectura de Escipión Emiliano. Destructor de Cartago, conquistador de Numancia permite, de este modo, comprender muchos aspectos históricos de la Roma anterior, contemporánea y posterior a la época de Emiliano. En ciertos aspectos, el libro podría considerarse un manual de historia de la Roma republicana, lo que probablemente deriva de la trayectoria docente universitaria del autor. En la introducción, se señalan las fuentes históricas principales para abordar la figura de Escipión Emiliano, fundamentalmente la obra de Polibio, Apiano, Plutarco, Cicerón, Valerio Máximo y Aulo Gelio. No es de sorprender que, como catedrático emérito de Historia Antigua, Manuel Salinas apoye su relato en un exhaustivo conocimiento y estudio de las fuentes históricas, lo que supone, sin duda, todo un privilegio a los lectores, ya que abundan por doquier publicaciones de carácter divulgativo nutridas exclusivamente de fuentes secundarias e incluso de fuentes de escaso valor académico. Sin embargo, hemos de apostillar que la meticulosa dependencia de las fuentes y la rigurosidad histórica puede resultar algo árida a lectores aficionados, ya que, en ocasiones, se ofrecen datos que no contribuyen a mejorar la comprensión del discurso y dificultan la fluidez argumental. A veces se dedican páginas a determinados aspectos que probablemente han sido relevantes en la trayectoria académica del autor, pero que quizás desvíen la atención del tema central de la obra:

In this article we analyze the cer- emonial ritual of the supplicia canum cele- brated every year in commemoration of the assault and defense of the capitol in 390 BC by the Gallic Senones of King Bruno. To do so, we first analyze the imaginary of the dog in the Roman world. Based on this imagi- nary, we will focus on its functionality in cer- tain rituals or ceremonies that include the sacrifice of dogs and, finally, we will address the meaning and symbolism of the dog in the supplicia canum. During this event in ear- ly Republican Rome, it is said that the dogs that were supposed to warn the sentries fell asleep and that it was the geese, associ- ated with the goddess Juno, who sounded the alarm. Such narrative constituted in the etiological discourse of the city an exem- plum that was transferred to a ceremonial where dogs were sacrificed and geese were adorned.

Si potrebbe sostenere che uno dei tratti tipici della nostra epoca sia la disarticolazione tra conflitti e istituzioni. L’aprirsi, insomma, di uno iato tra domande sociali insoddisfatte e forme politiche esistenti sembra essere almeno uno dei fenomeni di cui “neoliberismo” è il nome. Ne risultano, ormai da almeno mezzo secolo, conflitti muti e istituzioni sorde. La difficoltà crescente di questo paradigma economico e politico, almeno a partire dalla crisi finanziaria del 2008, ha contribuito ad aprire, anche nella critica machiavelliana, una nuova stagione. Né cinico realista, né promotore della libertà repubblicana, né rivoluzionario “costituente”, il Segretario fiorentino è progressivamente apparso negli ultimi quindici anni come il pensatore democratico e “populista” delle istituzioni plebee4, il critico ante litteram del potere della finanza e il padre di una singolare tradizione di conflittualismo moderno. Complessivamente, una nuova immagine che di Machiavelli sottolinea in modo originale il nesso tra l’effervescenza della vita collettiva, quando c’è, e gli ordini, chiamati
tanto a metterla in forma quanto a valorizzarla e renderla produttiva.

Introduzione GIUSEPPE CAMODECA, Per un nuovo corpus delle iscrizioni di Benevento romana GIUSEPPE CERAUDO, Forum Novum, Aequum Tuticum e Mutatio Aquilonis: considerazioni topografiche sulle prime stazioni della via Traiana e sul tracciato stradale in campania ALESSIO GUASCO, Il 'disprezzo' dei Sanniti per il diritto pubblico romano ITALO M. IASIELLO, Un territorio di snodo: aggiornamenti e nuove prospettive sull'area beneventana FRANCESCA LAMBERTI, Sacerdozi femminili nel Sannio ANIELLO PARMA, Allifae e il territorio in età romana: istituzioni e società GIANLUCA SORICELLI, La romanizzazione del Sannio Pentro. Alcune brevi note SEBASTIANO TAFARO, Osci e Romani: interazioni e normative. La Tabula Bantina 1. Nell'avvicinarmi alle iscrizioni relative a sacerdotesse in territorio sannita una delle prime evidenze che ho notato è quella relativa al sintagma sacerdos prima, che rientra nelle titolature di alcune donne di rango nell'Occidente romano dei primi secoli dell'era volgare. L'espressione in esame, per le epigrafi di origine italica, appare usata esclusivamente in iscrizioni provenienti dal Sannio (geograficamente inteso, e non secondo la ripartizione in regiones augustea) 1 . Nel quadro della ricerca connessa mi sono imbattuta segnatamente in un gruppo di iscrizioni beneventane, per lo più databili ad età severiana, e * Sono molto grata ad Alessio Guasco e all'amico di una vita Nello Parma per il coinvolgimento nel densissimo incontro su Samnium e Samnites. Il progetto di riedizione delle iscrizioni beneventane e lato sensu della regione sannita rappresenta un momento di grande importanza nell'ottica di una 'riscoperta' del Sannio romano e di una rinnovata valutazione delle peculiarità del territorio antico. Un ringraziamento speciale va a Giuseppe Camodeca per la lettura della prima versione del lavoro e per i preziosi consigli. Per il contributo in esame si è mantenuta la struttura di relazione svolta in occasione del convegno: l'apparato bibliografico è limitato dunque alla letteratura essenziale. 1 Il riferimento, più nello specifico, è a: CIL. IX 7244 (= AE 1988, 422 = EDR093976), da Corfinium: [flaminica] / Iuliae Augustae / sacerdos prim(a); a Elarino 123a (= AE 1991, 514a = EDR033118), da Larinum: Coeliae M(arci) f(iliae) Tertullae / sacerdoti divae Augustae / Gabbia M(arci) f(ilia) Tertulla / avia pos(u)it / huic primae omnium / in municipio annorum VII / decurionum decreto sacer/dotium datum est; CIL X 4794 (= EDR103226), da Teanum Sidicinum: Staiae M(arci) f(iliae) / Pietati / sacerd(oti) Cerer[is] / publ(icae) primae / l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). Caratteri diversi ha l'importante iscrizione AE 1998, 461 (= EDR115421), da Interamnia Praetuttiorum, e assai più tarda delle precedenti (seconda metà II sec. d.C.) di Numisia Secunda Sabina, flaminica, della quale è detto Huìc prìmae omni[um] / pleps Praetuttiaṇ [a] / muliẹ rum aere colḷ [ato] / statu[am] p̣ osuit (per tutti M. BUONO-CORE, L'Abruzzo e il Molise in età romana tra storia ed epigrafia, II, L'Aquila , 2002, p. 923 ss.). Per le iscrizioni oggetto della presente ricerca, si v. infra nel testo.

In a society in which the importance of military experience was beyond doubt for the Roman elite, military service was of utmost importance – an obligatory prerequisite, according to Polybius – for anyone wanting to pursue a political career.

Particularly since the seminal work of Christian Meier, there has been an influential line of thought that the Roman sociopolitical elite simply lacked the imagination to engage in forward-looking reforms, the sort that might have resolved or mitigated the tensions that eventually caused the violent implosion of the Roman Republic. On the basis of a close analysis of key episodes in the Republic's history, this study instead posits that it was rather a matter of conscious reform unwillingness (sections 1-3). It subsequently seeks to break new ground by explaining the Roman aristocracy's reform unwillingness and the ensuing tremendous political costs by drawing on the recent empiricist political science frameworks developed by Barbara Walter and Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt (sections 4 and 5). It argues that the Roman senatorial aristocracy went down a destructive political path because it deeply feared the loss of status and elite agency that might flow from certain reforms, compounded by the fear of a better resourced and more powerful state apparatus falling into the hands of aspiring tyrants. Next, the steep political costs of this fear-driven reform unwillingness are appraised: conservative and more progressive aristocratic factions alike descending into increasingly violent and deadly tit-for-tat games of 'constitutional hardball', sacrificing the guardrails of the Roman political system (mutual toleration and forbearance), resulting in the rise of factionalism and the loss of hope/faith in the traditional political process. The senatorial aristocracy's scorched-earth fight against undesirable reforms arguably put the Republic on the road to autocracy as its tacticsquickly adopted by their political opponentsdemonstrably displayed all four key indicators of authoritarian behaviour. The epilogue, then, offers some possible lessons for the 21 st century.

Representations of fear in Polybius' Histories constitute a special case in ancient Greek and Roman historiography. For many ancient historians depicting fear was an opportunity to showcase skills in literary style and rhetorical virtuosity. By contrast, Polybius was a selfavowed 'anti-stylist' who loathed such ornamentation. This study examines the theme of fear in Polybius' history, its role in his lived experience and interstate environment, his rejection of rhetorical flourishes in depicting fear, and his personal political circumstances and self-appointed role as fearless educator and advisor of Roman power elites.

Readers of history judge historians for what they say. But what about historians' silences, what they have left unsaid? Giving attention to this dimension of an historian's writing can pay rich dividends. By looking at specific omissions we may gain understanding about what historians wanted us to believe, how they attempted to manipulate their readers, and how they arranged their narratives to achieve their objectives. In this chapter, I pursue this line of inquiry concerning the history of the Greek historian Polybius. As a political hostage at Rome, Polybius necessarily offered a foreigner's perspective on Roman imperial power. Despite his well-deserved reputation as an ancient historian of the first order 1 , several bewildering aspects of his treatment of Rome, especially in the sixth book, have not received the careful attention they deserve: 1) Polybius ignores the significance of allied forces in the Roman army in Book 6; 2) he presents a simplistic picture of a monolithic Senate united in its foreign policy decisions during the Hannibalic war; 3) he is silent on political disturbances in Rome surrounding the levy of military recruits at the midpoint of the second century BCE; and 4) he misrepresents Roman elites' religious practices. No one, to the best of my knowledge, has ever considered these suppressions, inconsistences, distortions, and silences together as evidence for the historian's politically motivated narrative strategies. In general terms, Polybius' historiographical solution to the problem of Roman hegemony for Greek political elites was one of blending-that is to say, the cultural assimilation

The embassy of the three philosophers to Rome in 155 B.C. is one of the most famous events in the history of Graeco-Roman relations. This paper focuses on the embassy as an early example of cultural diplomacy. To prove our hypothesis, we examine the profiles of the Greek and Roman protagonists as well as their personal and intellectual connections in Rome, Athens, and in the Greek world. Our findings are consistent with the claim of ancient authors that the Roman elite of the time was no stranger to Greek culture, which led the Athenians to choose the three scholarchs as their ambassadors.

Flavi Ludus is an award-winning Latin poem by Luigi Galante (1877–1926), magna laus at the Certamen Hoeufftianum in Amsterdam in 1918. It has hardly been studied properly, though it brings together many of the themes which Véronique Dasen’s has pursued during her scholarly career: agency of the educator (the schoolteacher), children preferring play over work at
school, and a child prodigy who fancies the beauty of nature and art. This article will bring together philological analysis with socio-cultural history of antiquity and intellectual history / history of ideas of late nineteenth and early twentieth century Italy.

This chapter explores the ideological and rhetorical frameworks of populism through the lens of Sallust's writings during the late Roman Republic. Challenging prevailing interpretations that emphasize the destabilizing effects of populism, it adopts an emic perspective, analyzing how populism justifies itself ideologically. The study identifies three core elements of populism: the symbolic versus immanent construction of popular sovereignty, the dichotomous opposition of "the People" and "the Elite," and the nostalgic invocation of a moralised historical "heartland." It applies these frameworks to the speeches of Lepidus, Macer, and Memmius, highlighting how Sallust's representation of populist rhetoric totalizes diverse grievances into unified demands grounded in a moral narrative of liberty versus oppression. The analysis extends to Sallust's own historical commentary, revealing a pessimistic yet coherent worldview shaped by the tension between Rome's moral and political decline and an idealized past. This populist perspective uncovers parallels between ancient and modern populisms, particularly the role of symbolic legitimacy and the inherent tensions between democratic ideals and institutional realities.

Several public buildings in the city of Rome and its immediate environs are associated with the empress Livia, who officially commissioned their construction or renovation: most notable is the Porticus Liviae. While her building activity has often been cited as part of the official Augustan construction programme, emphasising her role as ideal Roman matrona, Livia’s benefactions have never been properly investigated in their social and historical context. The present paper seeks to remedy this by placing Livia’s buildings into the wider field of female building activity in late Republican and Augustan times, thereby offering a new interpretation of her role in Augustus’ programme.

In The New Despotism (2020), John Keane explored middle class complicity in the rise of authoritarian governments, the trade-off being the voluntary servitude of that class in exchange for comfort and security. This chapter explores parallel phenomena in Late Republican Rome: the role of communal compliance with authoritarian solutions to political impasse; more importantly, the general disinclination (and/or sense of inability) to contest the loss of political freedoms; and, most significantly, a resultant disillusionment with public life, manifesting in a debilitating 'fractionalism' which paid ever-decreasing deference to shared values or willingness to engage in a non-violent manner with alternative thinking. The result would be the Augustan primacy (in effect, the death of what modern scholarship defines as the libera res publica, the Free Republic). Episodes from the 160s to the 50s BCE illustrate the development of such collective and individual dispositions, and expose the growing alienation(s) of the broader community and, we would argue, a crisis of confidence that might be discerned within the political elite. Special attention is given to the mounting political disenchantment evident in the 50s, particularly the escalating incivility of public discourse and the signs of pessimism in Cicero's De Re Publica. Note: We would like to thank the three editors for their invitation to join a stimulating and broad-ranging symposium with lively exchanges. What would have been two papers here becomes one. The paper was written long before the unfolding events in New York in May 2024, resulting in a former American President becoming the first to be found guilty on criminal charges by a unanimous New York jury (May 30th) and the clear demonstrations, both before and after that judgment, of a broad disregard for the judicial process (based principally on party political allegiances and ideological differences). This resonates greatly with our section on 'The Erosion of Trust.' On November 5th of that year, during the week in which the final draft of this paper was submitted, a clear majority of voters judged that the shadow of adverse judicial findings was not of overriding consequence in determining political sentiment and alignments. This does not shape appraisal of the factors at play in Rome in the 1st century BCE, but it adds perspective.

This article sought to explore through Latin comedies developed throughout the Roman republican period the interactions and representations of slavery practices among the Romans. In this perspective, we chose as the primarily source the comedy “Captivi” or “The Captives” wrote by Titus Maccius Plautus (254-184 BC). Attempting to establish a parallel between the play, its producer and the social context in which he found himself, the research on this theme was based on four central lines: the Roman Republic; Slavery; Theater; and Latin comedies. Handling a comic literary as source, our theoretical methodological discussion focused its scope on the characteristics of the comic, such as coarse, sometimes outrageous language, exaggeration of information and characteristics, the subtle insertion of criticism and the presentation of events that differed from the reality of the Roman Republic, placing laughter and mockery for the spectators as the central focus of the play.

The twentieth century in Spain serves as a mirror of what might have happened in Rome in the first century BCE on the political, social and ideological level. The basic assumption can be expressed in a few words: war makes enemies and civil war makes mortal enemies forever; whereas war is the most disruptive element within a society, civil war is the most crucial factor in its polarisation. The Spanish civil war in 1936–1939 and the dictatorship that followed are a good example of the extent to which this kind of conflict can trigger a spiral of hatred and revenge between the victors and the vanquished in a society from which it is very difficult to
escape. Crucial to understanding the increased polarisation that Rome experienced in the first century BCE is the fact that Sulla’s dictatorship was preceded by a gruesome civil war (83–82). The decisive aspect of this process was the permanent existence of an ideological confrontation that was discernible throughout the Late Republic. Civil wars were both the main consequence of political polarisation and the driving force
behind that polarisation, in a circular feedback loop of violence that culminated in the transformation of the Roman res publica.

The conquest of Sabina by Rome in 290 B.C. led to a new organisation of the territory, which became Roman state property, aimed at making the most of its various characteristics for the benefit of the new owners. Instead of founding colonial cities, Rome sent coloni viritani, who settled in the territory subdivided by centuriatio, and appointed praefecturae the pre-existing centers for the administration of the area. Given the scattered settlement and mountainous landscape, additional smaller settlements
were established, where the inhabitants of the surrounding areas could gather for public and religious activities, festivals, the administration of justice, periodic markets, and other aspects that characterise community life. This function was fulfilled by the fora, which are public structures somewhat monumentalised according to the urban forum model but built in rural areas. Based on its characteristics, the sector of Villa San Silvestro articulated around the main temple, dedicated to Hercules, is identified as
a forum. The various elements related to the administration of Rome that can be identified in Villa San Silvestro – of a religious, political and economic nature – are analysed, distinguishing between those belonging to the forum (Area A) and those present in the vicus where the coloni went to live (Area B), along with their different architectural evolution over time.

L'ouvrage concerne un épisode historique majeur de l'Italie romaine, après lequel la population civique fut presque triplée. La victoire militaire romaine fut éclipsée par une série de concessions législatives. Le livre aborde le thème de la réconciliation comme stratégie conduite par une partie de la classe politique romaine. Il envisage les remodelages de l'historiographie antique ainsi que les phénomènes de résilience, la capacité à récupérer d'un traumatisme à l'échelle de toute l'Italie. Comment se réconcilier avec ces alliés devenus ennemis, et enfin des concitoyens ? Comment la génération des combattants at -elle dépassé ce conflit qui causa un demi-million de morts ?

LIBRO VI I 1. La datazione dell'ad edictum e i rapporti con il de officio proconsulis I tentativi di datazione dell'ad edictum presentano intrinseche criticità, al punto da non potersi ritenere completamente convincente nessuna ricostruzione che collochi il commentario in specifici anni. L'ipotesi che appare più probabile è che l'opera appartenga, in tutto o in parte, al tempo di Caracalla 1 . Già Honoré aveva messo in luce i due elementi rilevanti per definire il dilemma cronologico: le citazioni degli imperatori e lo stile impiegato dal giurista. Entrambi debbono essere ora richiamati per definire, in particolare, anche la collocazione temporale del libro 6. Cominciando dal primo elemento, si nota che nei testi derivanti dal libro 6 l'unico riferimento ad un imperatore è contenuto in D. 3.2.24: imperator Severus rescripsit. Tuttavia, contrariamente a quanto si ritiene usualmente, e secondo quanto affermato dallo stesso Honoré, l'appellativo di imperator non può essere considerato indizio dirimente per l'individuazione del periodo di composizione dell'opera: a fronte dell'opinione di Mommsen 2 , per il quale imperator si riferirebbe all'imperatore ancora in vita, ve ne sono altre di segno contrario, fondate sull'idea che nei testi di commento i giuristi non fossero necessariamente vincolati ad impiegare un titolo o un altro, a differenza di quanto accade, ad esempio, nelle iscrizioni, ove non si può fare altrimenti che rappresentare l'esatta realtà storica. Ad ulteriore sostegno di questa idea, si osserva che non mancano fonti nelle quali le parole precise di un imperatore defunto vengono riportate definendolo, appunto, imperator 3 . Dunque, si potrebbe in generale affermare che la scelta di imperator rispetto a divus potrebbe essere motivata non dalla circostanza

This article introduces the Great Carthaginian Withdrawal Hypothesis, a multidisciplinary theory proposing that Carthage, long believed to have been annihilated by Rome in 146 BCE, instead orchestrated a strategic and large-scale dispersion decades in advance. Beginning after the creation of Numidia in 201 BCE and the death of Hannibal, Carthaginian elites initiated a calculated evacuation of population, knowledge, and wealth, relocating to Atlantic ports, embedding themselves within allied cultures, and possibly reaching as far as the Americas. Archaeological evidence from Tunisia, including hidden coin hoards and amphoras dated to the dark era of Carthage, aligns with this narrative. Combined with ancient maritime records, transoceanic current analysis, iconographic survivals, and genetic traces in the Atlantic world, the article challenges the myth of total destruction and reframes Carthage as a civilization that did not fall, but disappeared with precision, preserving itself beyond the reach of empire.

In this article we have conducted a number of grammatical and stylistic analyses on representative fragments from the monumental work of Livy. This analysis aims at discovering the particularities of construction in different types of texts, such as: Praefatiothe appeal to method, individual and collective portraits, discourses and battle scenes.

The thesis of this article is that neoliberal governmentality, rather than means of coercion, uses various means of persuasion and ethical obligation. This is demonstrated by analyzing the discourse of the "Dr Mateusz Grzesiak" Facebook profile. It encourages individuals to utilize personal development techniques and promotes the neoliberal concept of the subject. Thus, this article explores the ideas proposed within studies of governmentality and supplements them with the perspectives offered by rhetoric culture theory. The profile of one of Poland's most recognizable personal development coaches can be seen as a materialisation of neoliberal governmentality as well as a symbolic system used as an instrument of persuasion. It can be analysed through the dramatistic approach proposed by Kenneth Burke as well as the Aristotelian idea of ethos, Jean Nienkamp's notions of internal and external rhetoric, and the concept of argumentation by model and example proposed by Chaïm Perelman.

Watching Senator Cory Booker's record-breaking talkathon on April 1, 2025 may have been baffling. Why was he speaking? How did he last past twenty-four hours? What was the spectacle's purpose? To answer these questions, I claim in this essay that Booker was standing up to tyranny and vicariously suffering for vulnerable constituents. By engaging his faith, the memory of John Lewis, and the iconography of the American Revolution, Booker outlined how the "least of these" were being harmed by President Trump's tyrannical policies: children being hurt by education cuts, the sick and elderly  getting injured by threatened entitlement cuts, veterans suffering VA cuts, immigrants fearing deportation without due process, and businesspeople and consumers facing tariffs.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 License. It is free to read, download and share on the BAR Digital platform (available in: https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407358208).

What impact did the process of Romanization have on the landscapes and territories of ancient Hispania? This book examines the transformations of Baetica through a rigorous study of Western Sierra Morena and the Lands of Antequera, two key regions for understanding this historical period.

The research adopts an innovative perspective that integrates spatial analysis and landscape study to examine the transition between the Second Iron Age and the Roman Imperial era. Through the systematic application of statistical methods and quantitative spatial analysis, the study establishes solid empirical foundations for understanding the territorial dynamics and social transformations of ancient communities. This methodology allows for the precise identification and analysis of patterns of continuity and change in spatial organization, providing new evidence about the complex relationships between local populations and their environment during this crucial period in the history of the Iberian Peninsula.

The thesis explores tribunician activity between the years 103 and 88 B.C. Chapter I briefly surveys the background to this tribunician activity. Chapter II focuses on the first tribunate of L. Apuleius Saturninus, especially his novel utilisation of army veterans, his attempts to attract the support of various pressure groups and his growing unpopularity with the urban proletariat. Chapter III focuses of the activity of Saturninus in his second tribunate, leading to the major political crisis of that year and the novel use of the Senatus Consultum Ultimum against magistrates in office. Chapter IV deals with the aftermath. Chapter V examines the developing political program of M. Livius Drusus and draws out the theme of growing Italian involvement in Roman politics. Chapter VI looks at one way in which the Italian issue was utilized in 'party political' fashion. Chapter VII deals with the revolutionary proposals of P. Sulpicius (Rufus?). Each chapter also surveys the activities of all known tribunes in the relevant years.

La cité de Rome repose sur une organisation politico-sociale très structurée qui lui permet de tenir ensemble, d'évoluer et de perdurer. Cependant, notre étude s'intéresse non pas à l'analyse de la contexture des institutions romaines, mais à un élément hautement perturbateur qui rompt cette harmonisation : la trahison. Nous avons affaire à un phénomène imprévisible dont les conséquences peuvent être particulièrement redoutables. La trahison représente, en effet, un véritable danger parce qu'elle a la capacité de briser les relations sociales en remettant en cause la hiérarchisation des devoirs qui régissent la vie de la communauté. Aucune société ne peut totalement s'en prémunir, y compris l'Vrbs. Il nous a donc semblé intéressant de nous pencher sur ce phénomène et d'analyser comment la société romaine a considéré et traité le problème de la trahison et de son agent, le traître. L'objet de cette recherche doctorale est d'appréhender la notion de trahison à la fois dans sa globalité et dans ses différentes formes dans la Rome tardo-républicaine, à un moment où la Ville eut à subir de nombreuses conflagrations tant sur le plan extérieur que sur le plan intérieur. Le cadre chronologique retenu s'étend de la guerre menée contre le roi numide Jugurtha aux premières années du règne d'Auguste. Dès la fin du IIème siècle, Rome subit une profonde crise politique, mais aussi d'identité culturelle, notamment avec l'intrusion de la culture hellénistique. Le conflit armé opposant les Romains à Jugurtha apparut aux contemporains, en particulier Salluste, comme un tournant décisif dans la lutte entre les différents groupes d'intérêt politique représentés notamment par les Optimates et les Populares. Ces guerres intestines obligèrent les citoyens romains, et tout particulièrement les citoyens de premier plan, à recourir à des changements d'alliance soit par obligation, soit pour conserver leur rang dans l'échelle censitaire, ou tout simplement pour se maintenir en vie. Cette mise à l'épreuve de Rome constitua une période critique, propice aux retournements de situation, d'où la multiplication d'actes de trahison. L'instauration du Principat et l'avènement d'Auguste au titre d'empereur apportèrent à Rome la stabilité politique, mais aussi un changement institutionnel. Le pouvoir fut désormais concentré entre les mains d'un seul homme : l'empereur. Ainsi, toute action menée contre lui ou contre Rome revient à avoir trahi Rome et Auguste. L'inclusion, dans le sujet étudié, d'une rupture politique et institutionnelle, à savoir le passage de la République à l'Empire, est d'autant plus instructive qu'elle présente une évolution porteuse de sens pour notre enquête, puisque cette période de transition fait évoluer le concept de maiestas minuta par un glissement sémantique, dans lequel la maiestas populi Romani cède la place à la maiestas principis. Cette mutation permet d'élargir à volonté le cercle des délits compris sous l'appellation de lèse-majesté, ce qui aboutit à un approfondissement du lien d'allégeance politique.

Palmyra was a unique place within the Roman Empire. The city, located in a Syrian oasis, preserved a culture and social organization of its own distinct character. It was closely intertwined with a larger region that extended beyond the boundaries of the Empire. Its livelihood was sustained through long-distance trade, not through agriculture or the production of commodities. And the people of Palmyra remained identifiable and distinguishable as Palmyrenes even when they left the oasis and established a life far from their homeland. Therefore, one can rightly speak of a Palmyrene diaspora, of which this book provides the first in-depth study.

The Social War deprived Rome of many of its Italian allies. The recourse to auxiliaries thus became a necessity to compensate for the loss of the Italians. Although the sources attest the presence of auxiliaries from many regions of the Mediterranean on both sides during the conflict, it cannot be proven decisively that they were more numerous than before. However, auxiliaries were already used in substantial numbers since the third century. The data available for the decades between the Social War and the civil war between Pompey and Caesar shows ratios of auxiliaries similar to that of the two previous centuries.

La recherche moderne sur les auxiliaires s'est surtout concentrée sur la république tardive. On a souvent pensé que Marius aurait été responsable d'un usage plus répandu des auxiliaires à cette époque puisqu'il aurait supposément aboli la cavalerie et l'infanterie légère des légions. Des travaux récents ayant démontré que cette approche était erronée, le présent article examine la période de la première guerre punique afin de déterminer quel rôle les communautés locales ont joué dans le conflit, que ce soit en fournissant des auxiliaires ou un appui logistique à Rome.

Modern research on auxiliaries has mostly focused on the late Republic. Scholars have often thought that Marius was responsible for a more widespread use of auxiliaries at that time, based on the prevailing theory that he disbanded legionary cavalry and light infantry. More recent work had shown that this thesis is incorrect. This article examines the period of the First Punic War in order to determine what role local communities played in the conflict, whether by providing auxiliary troops or offering logistical support to Rome.

Este estudo examina os dados literários e imagéticos relativos a um dos templos mais antigos do Fórum Romano: a Aedes Ianus Geminus. Devido à completa ausência de vestígios materiais sobreviventes dessa construção, as descrições literárias emergem como vetores essenciais para a projeção contemporânea de como este monumento era na Antiguidade e, adicionalmente, para a compreensão das modificações sofridas pelo edifício ao longo da história romana. Com esse objetivo, inicialmente foram expostos temas em torno da literatura latina e da erudição, bem como a maneira pela qual esses escritores compuseram memórias para determinados espaços. Em seguida, foram coletados dados sobre a natureza estrutural dessa edícula, sua historicidade e as transformações impostas pelos sucessivos séculos. Por fim, foi analisado como a literatura latina, especialmente o poeta Ovídio, utilizou dados topográficos da Roma arcaica para construir mitos etiológicos referentes a este templo.

Rousseau’s political philosophy is the subject of this essay. Rousseau’s understanding of legislation within the context of citizen participation, the relationship between lawgiver and general will, and finally the position of government in its relationship with legislation are interconnectedly analyzed. This analysis is done within the scope of his "The Social Contract" and Considerations on the Government of Poland, thereby relating one of the cornerstones of Rousseau’s political philosophy with a sample of his writings in actual political matters of his age. The essay is divided into two parts. In the first section, Rousseau is positioned in republican thought. This positioning stems from Rousseau’s understanding of civic participation discussed in the same chapter. Especially the role of legislation in Rousseau’s political philosophy is examined and taken into consideration in combination with the lawgiver and exigences of general will. It is also pointed that his view was turned towards day-to-day political activities of citizens, rather than theorizing a direct democracy. As a matter of fact, Rousseau expects from citizens to keep their government in check in order to prevent the government from taking over the legislative power. In the second section, the issues discussed in the previous part of the study are associated with Rousseau’s thoughts on Poland. In this context, it is pointed that Rousseau implicates Polish citizens’ political immaturity. Since he deals with a lawgiver, draws attention to the importance of education and advises caution even in social issues. He, on the other hand, also envisages the means of keeping the government in check in order to protect the legislature.

"A Reformers' Union: Land Reform, Labor, and the Evolution of Antislavery Politics, 1790-1860" offers a critical revision of the existing literature on both the early labor and antislavery movements by examining the ideologies and organizational approaches that labor reformers and abolitionists used to challenge both the expansion of slavery and the spread of market relationships. Extending the timeframe of the antislavery and labor movements backwards to the 1790s, this dissertation situates the origins of the pre-Civil War labor movement in republican ideology and currents of transatlantic radical thought, and traces the rise of agrarian and communitarian labor reform against the backdrop of the growing economic and political salience of chattel slavery. While acknowledging and seeking to explain the real differences that divided labor reformers and abolitionists throughout the period, "A Reformers' Union" argues that important strains within each movement shared common understandings about the limitations of private property and the reach of the market. These shared understandings, and the discursive debates that shaped them, eventually fostered important organizational and institutional connections between the two movements, even as developments surrounding the slavery's expansion in the 1840s and 50s inextricably linked the cause of land reform to antislavery. Land and labor reformers made critical contributions to the ideological foundations and popular appeal of the Liberty, Free Soil, and Republican parties, thus highlighting both the limitations and the potential of the politics of "free soil" and "free labor." v Table of Contents Introduction ………………………………………………………………………….... 1 Ch. 1. The Agrarian Origins of Antebellum Labor Radicalism: Free Labor, Property, and Slavery in the Early Republic.

Tema ovoga rada je predstaviti vojnu i političku karijeru seleukidskog vladara Antioha III. Velikog. Stupivši na prijestolje Antioh je postao vladar jedne od najvećih drţava toga vremena. Jedine dvije drţave koje su se mogle usporediti veličinom bile su Maurijsko carstvo u Indiji i Kinesko carstvo Qin dinastije.1 Već na početku svoje vladavine morao je riješiti krizu u kraljevstvu koje je bilo pogoĎeno pobunama i odcjepljenjem istočnih provincija. Zbog toga je morao ratovati skoro svake godine svoje vladavine kako bi stabilizirao svoje kraljevstvo. Antioh je uspio vratiti moć i utjecaj Seleukidskog kraljevstva na razinu iz vremena njegova osnivača Seleuka I., ali su Antiohovom smrću kraljevstvo i njegovi nasljednici ponovno zapali u probleme te su sve teţe na okupu drţali tako veliku i multinacionalnu drţavu

Il saggio analizza il caso di Catilina come esempio storico dell’uso politico della giustizia, mettendo a confronto le dinamiche della Roma repubblicana con quelle dell’Italia contemporanea. Attraverso una rilettura critica delle fonti classiche, da Cicerone a Sallustio, l'autore mostra come l’accusa di cospirazione fu funzionale al potere e non necessariamente fondata. La vicenda diventa il paradigma del lawfare, l’impiego strumentale della giustizia per eliminare avversari politici. I paralleli con l’attualità italiana sono espliciti: fughe di notizie, indagini mediatiche e processi usati per condizionare la vita pubblica. Il saggio invita a riflettere sui pericoli di una giustizia asservita al potere e ribadisce l’importanza di garantire sempre il giusto processo, anche nei confronti dei nemici politici.

‘Roman theatre’ is a term often used to describe the theatre of ancient Italy during the second and third century BCE. Plautus and Terence are referred to as ‘Roman playwrights,’ and Rome itself is generally regarded as the driving force behind the development of theatrical culture in Italy. But was this early theatre in Italy specifically or characteristically Roman? Using previously marginalised archaeological source material and placing it in constructive dialogue with the surviving ancient literature, this book offers a significant reinterpretation of how theatre developed in the Italian peninsula, as well as a radical reappraisal of the role of Republican Rome as the impetus for cultural change. Challenging a long-held scholarly consensus, it is argued that whilst Rome would eventually rise to political and cultural dominance, the archaeological evidence does not encourage us to view Rome as a significant factor in the development of theatre in Italy until at least the end of the first century BCE and the construction of the Theatre of Pompey. Our attention is directed instead to other cities in the Italian peninsula during the third and second centuries BCE, which have hitherto been greatly overshadowed by imperialistic narratives of Roman cultural development.

Questa presentazione, esposta in occasione del 6° Congresso Nazionale dei Circoli Numismatici tenutosi a Salò il 28 Settembre 2024, tratta dell’origine della moneta d’argento a Roma a partire dai didrammi romano-campani fino a giungere alla nascita del denario e del vittoriato. Ho incluso i miei appunti per una migliore comprensione del documento.
Le origini della moneta d'argento nel mondo romano © 2024 by Alessio Busseni is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/