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2004, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
…
15 pages
1 file
In 3 studies, the authors analyzed whether projection occurs for both conscious and nonconscious goals. In Experiment 1, participants who were predisposed to hold a learning goal over a performance goal rated others as possessing more of a learning goal. In Experiment 2, participants who were either implicitly primed with or explicitly assigned to have the goal to compete perceived others as striving for competitive goals more than control participants. In Experiment 3, the authors demonstrated that it was the actual goal to compete rather than the trait construct of competitiveness that was projected. The control of automatic goal projection effects is discussed, and interpersonal consequences of goal projection are delineated. In its most general sense, projection refers to ascribing one's own characteristics onto others. The classical definition of projection, though, refers to a more motivational process by which individuals ascribe their own negative characteristics onto others, while also denying these same characteristics in themselves . In this sense, projection acts as a defense mechanism that lessens the discomfort caused by possession of these undesirable characteristics by thrusting "forth upon the external world whatever within itself gives rise to pain [i.e., the process of projection]" (Freud, /1953, p. 78), p. 78). According to D. S. Holmes (1968), there are two main dimensions of projection: one that deals with the content of what is being projected and the other that deals with the awareness of possessing the projected personal characteristics. Regarding the content dimension of projection, individuals can either project onto others the exact same attribute that they possess (e.g., Eric is generous, and he also sees others as being generous) or they can project onto others an attribute that bears a causal relation to the one that they possess (e.g., Eric is frightened, and he sees others as frightening). Regarding the awareness dimension of projection, the projector is either aware or not aware of possessing the personal characteristic that is being projected. On the basis of these two dimensions (i.e., content and awareness), discusses three types of projection: attributive, complementary, and similarity projection. In attributive projection, an individual possesses a certain attribute, is aware that he or she possesses it, and then projects it onto another person . In similarity projection, an individual possesses a certain attribute and projects it onto another person but is not aware of its possession. And last, in complementary projection, the individual possesses a certain attribute, is aware of possessing it, and then projects the cause of it onto others. For all of these types of projection, it is assumed that the person remains unaware of the projection process. Past research has found support for the existence of complementary projection, demonstrating that frightened individuals see others as more frightening and that individuals who are placed in an electric chair see others as being more dangerous and threatening . Ample empirical support also exists for attributive projection (e.g., a helpful person will see others as more helpful), as people are found to see others as they see themselves (Sherman, Presson, & Chassin, 1984). For instance, research on the false
Imagine you are at a party with a lot of people whom you do not know very well. There is one person, Thomas, whom you find particularly interesting, friendly, and, more generally, positive. At the same party there is another person, John, whom you see as rather unfriendly, cold, and, more generally, negative. Because people typically go beyond the information given, you may form expectations about Thomas and John even before getting to know them better. The question is how you form expectations about them. Obviously, there are several ways to form expectations about others with stereotyping being probably the most prominent one. Another option would be to use your own characteristics to draw inferences about Thomas' and John's characteristics, a process referred to as social projection. Would you project your characteristics to the same extent onto Thomas and onto John? And would you project more your positive or your negative characteristics? Finally, would this process occur irrespective of how you feel about yourself? The present research aims at addressing those important and unanswered questions. Social projection denotes the assignment of one's own characteristics, attitudes, and behavioral preferences to other people or social groups (
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 2014
Social projection denotes the attribution of characteristics of the self to others and, therefore, increases perceived self–other similarity. The present research tests the assumption that positive but not negative targets elicit social projection. Earlier research has attributed an effect of target valence to mere consistency principles of judgment and has, thus, questioned projection processes to be the origin of self–other similarity. Building on more recent evidence, we suggest that target valence influences self–other similarity above and beyond a consistent response behavior. The results of three experiments in which target valence was manipulated through evaluative conditioning and by smiling versus neutral facial expression support our hypothesis. We discuss how cognitive versus motivated processes can account for these findings and suggest a new conceptualization of social projection whereby projection is a means to regulate social distance.
2010
Two experiments investigated the impact of anticipated interdependence on people's projection of their characteristics onto an unknown target. After participants had rated themselves on a list of personality traits, they were led to expect a situation of cooperation or competition with another participant and rated this participant on the same list of traits. In both experiments, projection of self-attributed traits was stronger under cooperation than competition. This effect was independent of trait valence, whether defined a priori (Expt 1) or as an idiosyncratic measure (Expt 2). Experiment 2 also revealed that the moderation of interpersonal projection by interdependence was not driven by changes in participants' self-representation. These findings suggest that the anticipated interdependence context influences the way we perceive similarity with unknown others. We discuss possible cognitive and motivational mechanisms underlying this effect.
2012
Similarity between partners entails positive consequences for cooperative interactions. But do people rely on this assumption to construe egocentric judgments about others? Five experiments examined the possibility that people project onto their partners because they believe that similarity to the self leads to success in cooperation. Studies 1a and 1b show that people hold an egocentric similarity belief in cooperation. Studies 2a and 2b test the existence of this belief in more indirect ways. The next three studies manipulate the applicability of the similarity belief and investigate its impact on projection. Study 3 finds that cooperation no longer leads to projection when participants expect a low probability of success. Study 4 replicates this effect in a real cooperative setting. Finally, Study 5 shows that projection occurs only when participants expect their characteristics to be responsible for the success of cooperation. The negative consequences of overestimating similarities in cooperation are discussed.
Psychological Inquiry, 2012
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1997
It has long been assumed that people perceive in others qualities that they wish to deny in themselves, but empirical evidence for defensive projection is limited and controversial. A new model of projection is presented in this article. People might try to actively suppress thoughts about the possibility that they have undesirable personality traits, but it was hypothesized that this response to threat ultimately causes thoughts about the unwanted traits to become chronically accessible. As a result, those trait concepts will be used to interpret others' behavior. Studies 1-4 showed that those people who both avoid thinking about having threatening personality traits and deny possessing them (repressors) also readily infer those traits from others' behavior. Studies 5-6 provided experimental support for the model. Unfavorable traits were attributed to participants, who, when they were asked or predisposed to not think about the traits, subsequently projected them onto someone else. Why do so many people regard their rivals and opponents as exploitative and unscrupulous? Why are some people consumed with intense, irrational suspicions that their lovers are unfaithful? Why are gay people vilified and attacked by many heterosexuals? How do people form stereotypes of out-groups whose members they scarcely know? One traditional answer to such questions invokes the concept of projection (A. Freud, 1936; S. Freud, 1915/1957). According to this view, when people are motivated to avoid seeing certain faults in themselves, they contrive instead to see those same faults in others. In recent years, a number of researchers have analyzed and investigated the social-cognitive mechanisms underlying phenomena that have traditionally been associated with psychoanalytic theory (e.g.,
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 2012
Two studies investigated the impact of trait relevance to a specific task on people's projection of their characteristics onto a cooperative partner. We either measured (Study 1) or manipulated (Study 2) the relevance of a trait to a specific cooperative task. In both studies, participants first rated themselves on a list of traits. Then they imagined completing a cooperative task with an unknown partner. Finally, they rated the partner on the same list of traits. In Study 1, we found partner ratings to be positively influenced by self ratings and the idiosyncratic measure of trait relevance. In Study 2, participants rated the self and the partner on competence and warmth traits while completing an intellectual or a social task. We found partner ratings to be positively influenced by self ratings more on competence than on warmth in the intellectual task, but more on warmth than on competence in the social task. These results suggest that people project onto others in a way that maximizes their chances to succeed in cooperation.
Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 2005
The psychodynamic approach to stereotyping and prejudice focuses on how out-group denigration can result from people's efforts to defend themselves against unpleasant thoughts and feelings. In line with that approach, the role of defensive projection in the development of unfavorable impressions of other groups of people was investigated. Hypotheses were derived from Newman, Duff, and Baumeister's (1997) model of projection. Participants were told that they belonged to groups that might have some unfavorable attributes. When they were asked to suppress thoughts about one of those attributes, they subsequently projected it onto another group. This effect was strongest for groups that most successfully suppressed the thought (i.e., those that never mentioned the trait even once during a group discussion). In sum, when people avoid thinking about their own groups' shortcomings, thoughts about those characteristics could become highly accessible and be used to form impressions of other groups of people. Stereotyping and prejudice are complex phenomena (Fiske, 1998), but research on these topics has traditionally been organized in terms of three broad approaches (see Ashmore &
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 2002
When categorized into social groups, people view members of in-groups, but not members of out-groups, as being similar to themselves. In three experiments, social categorization moderated the spread of social projection in both minimal and value-tagged laboratory groups and regardless of whether individual perceivers judged both groups or only one. The categorization effect tracked changes in the perceiver's group status so that most perceivers projected only to present but not past in-groups. The lack of out-group projection supported an anchoring hypothesis, according to which self-referent information is engaged only when it is considered applicable to the judgment at hand. The induction hypothesis and the differentiation hypothesis, which predicted positive and negative out-group projection, respectively, were not supported. Implications for theories of intergroup perception and bias are discussed.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 2006
Defensive projection is the process of perceiving one's undesirable qualities in others. The present research shows how stereotypes guide and justify the projection of specific traits onto specific group members. In four studies, the authors demonstrated that people who experienced a threat to a specific dimension of their self-concept selectively activated this dimension in a stereotype and derogated stereotyped others on this dimension. They further showed that stereotyped individuals are more likely to serve as targets of projection than are nonstereotyped individuals. These results demonstrate the functional role of stereotypes in guiding and constraining motivated self-enhancement.
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