History

Comparison of adjectives (and adverbs) is a grammatical category that has passed practically unremarked upon by generations of Latin linguists. Latin grammar books (with few exceptions, cf. Kühner and Stegmann, 1955: 565-566The Oxford Latin syntax. Volume I: The simple clause, 47. Oxford: Oxford University Press) omit entirely the question of which adjectives can be compared and which cannot. Nevertheless, the data from modern languages show that the category of comparison of adjectives (and adverbs) is actually highly limited, making it essential to address this question for Latin, too. One of the issues comprehended within the extremely complex area of (non-) gradability of adjectives is periphrastic comparison. Latin grammar books explain, based on the assertions of ancient Latin grammarians, that it applies to adjectives ending in -eus, -ius and -uus, implying, or even explicitly stating, that the reason for this type of comparison is phonetic incompatibility of the word-formative suffix with the comparative suffix. However, two facts call for reinterpretation of the matter: (i) periphrastic comparison also occurs in other adjectives for which there is no phonetic incompatibility; (ii) by contrast, some adjectives in -eus, -ius and -uus actually do have simple forms. In the light of these facts, this paper aims to map the real situation of periphrastic comparison in Latin. The employed corpus comprises all the words marked as adjectives in the Oxford Latin Dictionary (more than 10,000 items) and all their occurrences throughout the database Bibliotheca Teubneriana Latina III.

Breast cancer is currently the most common cancer in women worldwide. It is said that there is no proven method of preventing cancer. However, studies have shown that there are some women's lifestyle factors that have been scientifically shown to increase the risk of breast cancer. A review of the literature from the epidemiological, medical, and psychosocial disciplines strives to analyse factors that tend to increase the risk of developing breast cancer. Published material reviewed concerning the connection between breast cancer risk and lifestyle factors such as diet and physical activity. This review shows that several women's lifestyle factors have been regularly considered as risk factors for developing breast cancer. They include women who have not had children or women who had their first child at an older age, short duration of brestfeeding or not breastfeed at all, diet and nutrition, and psychological stress.

Baba-Nyonya community is a community of Chinese descent living in Malaysia and practices lifestyle of the Malay community. They have adjusted to the way of life and socio-cultural influences of their surroundings and create a culture of its own. Till now the Baba-Nyonya still follow the taboo practices and beliefs of the Malays and Chinese in their daily lives. Most previous studies discuss about Baba's everyday cultural practices but less touching on the tradition and superstitious taboo practices which they practice before and during the Chinese New Year celebrations which is also celebrated by the Baba community. Thus, this study aims to identify the tradition and superstitious taboos practiced by the Baba community before and during Chinese New Year celebrations. In addition, the study explores the social meanings behind the tradition and superstitious taboos. Based on qualitative method, this study conducted in-depth interviews and non-participant observation on six Baba-Nyonya informants in Malacca. The results showed that the Baba community practices numerous tradition and superstitious taboos from the days before and during Chinese New Year celebration. In terms of social meaning, the taboos are seen as a way to preserve the well-being and social control of the community.

Taraf hidup dan penglibatan politik dapat mempengaruhi kesejahteraan hidup individu dan masyarakat. Namun kedua-dua indikator tersebut boleh dijejaskan oleh kemiskinan hidup. Peminggiran, kemiskinan dan midset mereka menjadi faktor yang menghalang mereka untuk meningkatkan taraf hidup dan penglibatan awam mereka dengan masyarakat luar dan arus pemodenan semasa. Justeru adalah menjadi tujuan kajian ini untuk melihat dan menganalisis pengaruh taraf hidup dan penglibatan awam dalam mempengaruhi kesejahteraan hidup masyarakat Orang Asli. Kajian ini menggunakan metod analisis data primer iaitu soal selidik di lapangan dan rujukan kepustakaan (sekunder) yang merangkumi analisis kandungan buku-buku rujukan akademik, artikel jurnal, kertas seminar dan persidangan. Hasil kajian mendapati dari segi taraf hidup, majoriti responden mengurangkan langganan ke kedai untuk keperluan asas atau tempat-tempat yang lain kerana mereka berusaha untuk melakukan langkah-langkah penjimatan dalam suasana ekonomi yang tidak menentu ini. Dari segi penyertaan awam atau penglibatan dalam politik pilihan raya, hampir separuh responden tidak menunaikan tangungjawab mereka sebagai pengundi pada pilihan raya umum yang lalu kerana tahap pengetahuan dan kesedaran mereka dalam hak untuk memilih dan bersuara masih rendah. Justeru, untuk memastikan kesejahteraan hidup mereka terjamin, mereka perlu aktif dalam aktiviti awam sama ada dari segi memilih dan bersuara agar hak dan kepentingan mereka terbela dan diambil perhatian oleh pihak berkuasa. Justeru, semua pihak sama ada pihak berkuasa, NGO, kaum lain mahupun Orang Asli sendiri perlu membantu Orang Asli dalam meningkatkan taraf hidup mereka seterusnya memperluaskan penglibatan politik dalam memajukan Orang Asli ke persada negara dan antarabangsa.

Populariti pengeluaran minyak sawit adalah sangat luar biasa. Sekitar 10 peratus daripada kegiatan pertanian dan perladangan dunia merupakan kawasan tanaman kelapa sawit global. Malah, 85% pengeluaran minyak sawit dihasilkan di Malaysia dan Indonesia. Minyak sawit juga telah meningkatkan pendapatan penduduk di kedua-dua buah negara, terutama kepada golongan petani. Namun, ada harga yang perlu dibayar akibat kegiatan pertanian kelapa sawit seperti kemusnahan alam sekitar, hak buruh dan hak asasi manusia yang seringkali diabaikan. Objektif kajian ini adalah untuk meneroka kaedah pertanian sawit lestari yang dijalankan oleh pekebun kecil kelapa sawit Orang Asli. Kajian ini dijalankan di salah sebuah kampung Orang Asli yang terletak di bahagian Pantai Timur Semenanjung Malaysia iaitu Kampung Sungai Mai, Jerantut, Pahang. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif, lapan orang petani Orang Asli telah ditemu bual secara berkala melalui persampelan rawak mudah dan bola salji. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa petani Orang Asli mengusahakan pertanian mereka sebagai bentuk pemilikan tanah yang juga merupakan salah satu prasyarat MSPO. Pertanian keluarga merupakan langkah seterusnya untuk mewujudkan pertanian lestari selain menangani penebangan hutan melalui kegiatan penanaman kelapa sawit.

Perumahan yang sempurna ialah yang dapat memenuhi keperluan penghuni, memberi kesejahteraan kepada isi rumah dan seterusnya memacu kepada peningkatan kualiti hidup. Program Perumahan Rakyat (PPR) merupakan program pembangunan rumah untuk rakyat di kawasan bandar yang tidak mempunyai kediaman sendiri sama ada untuk disewa atau dimiliki mengikut kawasan. Program ini memberi manfaat kepada penghuni bandar untuk menjalani kehidupan yang selesa seterusnya dapat mencapai kesejahteraan hidup. Namun terdapat tiga isu sosioekonomi dalam pelaksanaan skim PPR ini iaitu perpaduan, sosial dan ekonomi. Justeru, tujuan penulisan artikel ini untuk membincangkan impak sosioekonomi dan politik terhadap Program Perumahan Rakyat (PPR) Lembah Subang, Selangor. Kajian ini menggunakan metodologi secara kuantitatif melalui penggunaan instrumen borang soal selidik bagi mengumpul data daripada responden. Seramai 360 orang responden terlibat dan rujukan terhadap data sekunder iaitu artikel jurnal, kertas pers...

In the British Parliament, L81'.1906", which suggested the interesting avenue of exploring the connection between Irish Hone Rulers end II'dian political leaders. The present writer, while subsequently on holiday in Countt Galvay, Ireland, stumbled across & copy of Prank Thigh O'Donnell's A History: pt_the Irish Parliamentary Party and was confiraed In his rather tentative idea of e'cwnlntng the validity of the extraordinary o].ains and allegation. oonta.tn.d within this work. Irish biographies, memoirs, and histories, revealed litti. about 0 'Ibnnell and nothing at all about the Xndian intereet of the Irish Parliamentary party under either Isaac Butt or Qiarles Stewart Parnell. That this investigation developed into a reappraisal of the Home Rule movenent between 1870 and 1386 from the angle Of it. significance in the extended empire, is due partly to circumstance, partly to di.. cuasiens on the enbj eat with Mr. Owen Dudley Edwards of Edinburgh tbiyer.ity. Mr. Edwards 'a"ged to conjure up the flavour of the period and almost to bring the character. involved, not least 0 'Ibimell him.. self, to life, a. only en Irishnan can do. It is doubtful whether, without hi. invaluable advice and criticism, the writer would have been able to negotiate the many pitfalls of a hitherto unt4llr field. The greatest debt, however, is to Professor V.0. Kiernan who, despit. the numerous oa1l on his time, provided over tour years of research vital though alway, tactful counsel and supervision. With the benefit of Prof.ssor' Kiernan 'a profound knowledge t Didian and Dtperial }Lt.tory, the writer was able to tackle, it not always to overcame, the ap.cial problem involved in the coorthation of several diitinct, but overlapping, themes. xi The Nation, a weekly journal edited by A. M. Sullivan from 1856 to 1877, and then by T. D. Sullivan, was committed at a very early stage to an obstructive parliamentary policy, and took a much more extreme line on political tactics, on land_reform, and on self-government. While it advocated C'Donnell's interventionist policy it seemed to look on imperial affairs from the narrow focus of Ireland's self-interest. By and large, "1ngland's difficulty, Ireland's opportunity", O'Connell's old slogan, represented its attitude to Britain's foreign cocuplicatiorls. Founded in 1870, PatrIck Ford's Irish World, which had the largest circulation of any weekly in the United States and which, with fluctuations, was widely read in Ireland, was emphatically anti-English. A declared enemy of the British empire, the full weight of its propaganda was directed towards the destruction of the Union and of British power throughout the world. In effect, it was a vehicle not only for Ford's views about a universal crusade against landlordism, but also of Fenian attitudes towards the empire. No real study has been made by the writer of United Ireland, a left wing Parnellite paper founded in 1881, or of Richard Pigott's Flaçj of Ireland and Irishman, both written from a popular pro- Fenian standpoint. Fenian papers and Police and Crime Records in the State Paper Office, Dublin, are of special interest for the history of the Land League and National League • They contain, among other things, reports furnished by local District Inspectors of the Ro yal Irish Constabulary of the Land League meetings and speeches, which are helpful in estimating the popular awareness of political struggles elsewhere in the empire. Copies of correspondence from British Consular Agencies in America to the Foreign and Home Offices/ xii Offices also convey some idea of the organisation and subversive activity of the Clan na Gael seen through British eyes. In this respect, the F.O.S. papers in the Public Record Office, London, provide a more complete picture of what was being discussed and planned in Fenian circles, a useful emendation to the valuable John Devoy collection, used here in the published selection of the bulk of its material edited by William O'Brien and Desmond Ryan. Biographies and memoirs of the period yielded very little, either about O'Donnell or about his eccentric views on the empire, although T. M. Mealy in Letters and Leaders of my Day and T. P. in ?eroir g of an Old Par1ianentarian contribute some interesting 'asides'. Michael Davitt's The Pa'1 of Feudalism in Ireland is essential reading for the land agitation, and has an important section on a scheme of democratic intervention for adoption by the Parnellite party in 1883. His impressions of India and his attitude to the empire are discussed in Leaves from a Prison Diary. Despite being an essential cog in the nationalist machine from 1873 to 1906, Alfred Webb strangely remains a very shadowy figure. However, the National Library of Ireland possesses three volumes of his press cuttings together with one or two draft letters (Ms 1745-7], which are relevant to his interest in Indian nationalism and to his tour of duty as President of the Madras Congress. The secondary material on the period is considerable, but apart from I.. P. Curtis's Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880-1892, and P. N. S. Manaergh's The Irish Question 1840-1921, does/ xiii does not touch on the imperial implications of the Home Rule movement. Mary Cuznpston's article, "Some Early Indian Nationalists and their Allies in the British Parliament, 1851-1906" in Englisi Historical Review (1961), is a possible starting-point and introthction to th, whole subject of the Irish-Indian connection. On the internal organisation and development of the Home Rule party the writer is deeply indebted to the very detailed studies by Dr David Thornley and Dr Conor Cruise O'Brien. Both Isaac Butt and Home Rule and Parnell and his Part 1880-9Q help to place O'Donnell's imperial and interventionist programmes within their proper Irish context. B. Indian In conjunction, the Northbrook, Temple, Lytton, Ripon, Hartington and Dufferin papers, deposited in the India Office Library, provide an extensive range of manuscript material on Indian administration, on aspects of Indian policy, on parliamentary debates on India, on political gossip in London and Calcutta. The letters between the Governors-General and the Secretaries of State, which are the fullest and tend to be at once discursive and frank, throw a good deal of light on the way official policy was arrived at. Letters from political correspondents in England, because they do not take background krowledge for granted, are particularly useful in describing the situation at Westminster. While the activities of the Irish Home Rule Psxty and the twists and turns of the Irish Question are not always a major talking point, they form a constant theme running through most of the correspondence. Lord Ripen, for example, was particularly interested in the Irish land agitation, partly because he had to frame new tenancy and/ xiv and rent legislation for India. Lord Dufferin, the Ulster peer who was Governor-General at the time of the crisis over the first Hqrue Rule Bill and of the formation of Congress, was struck by the concurrence of both events. His papers are remarkable for very pronounced views on nationalist agitation, Irish and Indian. The Charles James O'Donnell saga, his quarrel with the Bengal Government over several years, the nature of the complaints against him, is well documented and preserved in the Rijon collection. Published Parliamentary papers, Indian Proceedings and India Office Departmental records, were of value for their official accou'itc of the Bengal famine of 1874, the remission of the cotton duties, the lowering of the age limit for I.C.S. candidates, the Vernacular Press Act, the Afghan War of 1878-80, and mining speculation in Mysore State. Most of the material for the specialist study.of Indian Gaol Reform (Chapter Nine) is also derived from these sources. The Parliamentary Debates, which have been extensively used, touch on most of these issues, as well as conveying the degree of interest felt by the average M.P. in Indian grievances and the extent to which these stirred the political scene. In the absence of readily accessible Indian private papers, it is difficult to talk confidently about "Indian nationalist" opinion, at least in reference to leading political figures. However, as in Ireland newspapers represented various sections of the politically consc*us. The Bengali English-language pr.ss, largely, as the first to flourish, taking the lead in native journalism, was the most important, and its influence spread throughout/ xv throughout India. Calcutta was not only the administrative capital and seat of government, it also had the largest number of news. papers. Pride of place is usually accorded to the Hindoo Patriot, a weekly journal edited at that time by the highly respected Kristodas Pal • This was the first newspaper to openly acknow.. ledge and court the services of the Irish Home Rule party and of Frank Hugh Dnnell in particular. However, because it was closely allied with aristocratic and landowning interests, and was in fact the acknowledged organ of the British Indian Association, it took a fundamentally conservative position on social matters. After the death of Kristodas Pal in 1834 it gradually drifted away from the mainstream of nationalist life. On the other band, the rival Bengalee, which under Surendranath Banerjes editorship atterpted to speak for the educated middle classes, took a more advanced line not only on land tenure and semindar-rijot relations, but also on constitutional agitation. Its awareness and knowledge of the Irish struggle for self-government was the most acute. The Indian Mirror, which became the only Indian-edited Englishlanguage daily in Northern India, fell somewhere between the two, not as socially conservative as the former nor as politically motivated as the latter, but responding with generosity and readiness to O'Donnell's 1883 initiative and to the call for national unity. The Mahratta, launched...

In the British Parliament, L81'.1906", which suggested the interesting avenue of exploring the connection between Irish Hone Rulers end II'dian political leaders. The present writer, while subsequently on holiday in Countt Galvay, Ireland, stumbled across & copy of Prank Thigh O'Donnell's A History: pt_the Irish Parliamentary Party and was confiraed In his rather tentative idea of e'cwnlntng the validity of the extraordinary o].ains and allegation. oonta.tn.d within this work. Irish biographies, memoirs, and histories, revealed litti. about 0 'Ibnnell and nothing at all about the Xndian intereet of the Irish Parliamentary party under either Isaac Butt or Qiarles Stewart Parnell. That this investigation developed into a reappraisal of the Home Rule movenent between 1870 and 1386 from the angle Of it. significance in the extended empire, is due partly to circumstance, partly to di.. cuasiens on the enbj eat with Mr. Owen Dudley Edwards of Edinburgh tbiyer.ity. Mr. Edwards 'a"ged to conjure up the flavour of the period and almost to bring the character. involved, not least 0 'Ibimell him.. self, to life, a. only en Irishnan can do. It is doubtful whether, without hi. invaluable advice and criticism, the writer would have been able to negotiate the many pitfalls of a hitherto unt4llr field. The greatest debt, however, is to Professor V.0. Kiernan who, despit. the numerous oa1l on his time, provided over tour years of research vital though alway, tactful counsel and supervision. With the benefit of Prof.ssor' Kiernan 'a profound knowledge t Didian and Dtperial }Lt.tory, the writer was able to tackle, it not always to overcame, the ap.cial problem involved in the coorthation of several diitinct, but overlapping, themes. xi The Nation, a weekly journal edited by A. M. Sullivan from 1856 to 1877, and then by T. D. Sullivan, was committed at a very early stage to an obstructive parliamentary policy, and took a much more extreme line on political tactics, on land_reform, and on self-government. While it advocated C'Donnell's interventionist policy it seemed to look on imperial affairs from the narrow focus of Ireland's self-interest. By and large, "1ngland's difficulty, Ireland's opportunity", O'Connell's old slogan, represented its attitude to Britain's foreign cocuplicatiorls. Founded in 1870, PatrIck Ford's Irish World, which had the largest circulation of any weekly in the United States and which, with fluctuations, was widely read in Ireland, was emphatically anti-English. A declared enemy of the British empire, the full weight of its propaganda was directed towards the destruction of the Union and of British power throughout the world. In effect, it was a vehicle not only for Ford's views about a universal crusade against landlordism, but also of Fenian attitudes towards the empire. No real study has been made by the writer of United Ireland, a left wing Parnellite paper founded in 1881, or of Richard Pigott's Flaçj of Ireland and Irishman, both written from a popular pro- Fenian standpoint. Fenian papers and Police and Crime Records in the State Paper Office, Dublin, are of special interest for the history of the Land League and National League • They contain, among other things, reports furnished by local District Inspectors of the Ro yal Irish Constabulary of the Land League meetings and speeches, which are helpful in estimating the popular awareness of political struggles elsewhere in the empire. Copies of correspondence from British Consular Agencies in America to the Foreign and Home Offices/ xii Offices also convey some idea of the organisation and subversive activity of the Clan na Gael seen through British eyes. In this respect, the F.O.S. papers in the Public Record Office, London, provide a more complete picture of what was being discussed and planned in Fenian circles, a useful emendation to the valuable John Devoy collection, used here in the published selection of the bulk of its material edited by William O'Brien and Desmond Ryan. Biographies and memoirs of the period yielded very little, either about O'Donnell or about his eccentric views on the empire, although T. M. Mealy in Letters and Leaders of my Day and T. P. in ?eroir g of an Old Par1ianentarian contribute some interesting 'asides'. Michael Davitt's The Pa'1 of Feudalism in Ireland is essential reading for the land agitation, and has an important section on a scheme of democratic intervention for adoption by the Parnellite party in 1883. His impressions of India and his attitude to the empire are discussed in Leaves from a Prison Diary. Despite being an essential cog in the nationalist machine from 1873 to 1906, Alfred Webb strangely remains a very shadowy figure. However, the National Library of Ireland possesses three volumes of his press cuttings together with one or two draft letters (Ms 1745-7], which are relevant to his interest in Indian nationalism and to his tour of duty as President of the Madras Congress. The secondary material on the period is considerable, but apart from I.. P. Curtis's Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880-1892, and P. N. S. Manaergh's The Irish Question 1840-1921, does/ xiii does not touch on the imperial implications of the Home Rule movement. Mary Cuznpston's article, "Some Early Indian Nationalists and their Allies in the British Parliament, 1851-1906" in Englisi Historical Review (1961), is a possible starting-point and introthction to th, whole subject of the Irish-Indian connection. On the internal organisation and development of the Home Rule party the writer is deeply indebted to the very detailed studies by Dr David Thornley and Dr Conor Cruise O'Brien. Both Isaac Butt and Home Rule and Parnell and his Part 1880-9Q help to place O'Donnell's imperial and interventionist programmes within their proper Irish context. B. Indian In conjunction, the Northbrook, Temple, Lytton, Ripon, Hartington and Dufferin papers, deposited in the India Office Library, provide an extensive range of manuscript material on Indian administration, on aspects of Indian policy, on parliamentary debates on India, on political gossip in London and Calcutta. The letters between the Governors-General and the Secretaries of State, which are the fullest and tend to be at once discursive and frank, throw a good deal of light on the way official policy was arrived at. Letters from political correspondents in England, because they do not take background krowledge for granted, are particularly useful in describing the situation at Westminster. While the activities of the Irish Home Rule Psxty and the twists and turns of the Irish Question are not always a major talking point, they form a constant theme running through most of the correspondence. Lord Ripen, for example, was particularly interested in the Irish land agitation, partly because he had to frame new tenancy and/ xiv and rent legislation for India. Lord Dufferin, the Ulster peer who was Governor-General at the time of the crisis over the first Hqrue Rule Bill and of the formation of Congress, was struck by the concurrence of both events. His papers are remarkable for very pronounced views on nationalist agitation, Irish and Indian. The Charles James O'Donnell saga, his quarrel with the Bengal Government over several years, the nature of the complaints against him, is well documented and preserved in the Rijon collection. Published Parliamentary papers, Indian Proceedings and India Office Departmental records, were of value for their official accou'itc of the Bengal famine of 1874, the remission of the cotton duties, the lowering of the age limit for I.C.S. candidates, the Vernacular Press Act, the Afghan War of 1878-80, and mining speculation in Mysore State. Most of the material for the specialist study.of Indian Gaol Reform (Chapter Nine) is also derived from these sources. The Parliamentary Debates, which have been extensively used, touch on most of these issues, as well as conveying the degree of interest felt by the average M.P. in Indian grievances and the extent to which these stirred the political scene. In the absence of readily accessible Indian private papers, it is difficult to talk confidently about "Indian nationalist" opinion, at least in reference to leading political figures. However, as in Ireland newspapers represented various sections of the politically consc*us. The Bengali English-language pr.ss, largely, as the first to flourish, taking the lead in native journalism, was the most important, and its influence spread throughout/ xv throughout India. Calcutta was not only the administrative capital and seat of government, it also had the largest number of news. papers. Pride of place is usually accorded to the Hindoo Patriot, a weekly journal edited at that time by the highly respected Kristodas Pal • This was the first newspaper to openly acknow.. ledge and court the services of the Irish Home Rule party and of Frank Hugh Dnnell in particular. However, because it was closely allied with aristocratic and landowning interests, and was in fact the acknowledged organ of the British Indian Association, it took a fundamentally conservative position on social matters. After the death of Kristodas Pal in 1834 it gradually drifted away from the mainstream of nationalist life. On the other band, the rival Bengalee, which under Surendranath Banerjes editorship atterpted to speak for the educated middle classes, took a more advanced line not only on land tenure and semindar-rijot relations, but also on constitutional agitation. Its awareness and knowledge of the Irish struggle for self-government was the most acute. The Indian Mirror, which became the only Indian-edited Englishlanguage daily in Northern India, fell somewhere between the two, not as socially conservative as the former nor as politically motivated as the latter, but responding with generosity and readiness to O'Donnell's 1883 initiative and to the call for national unity. The Mahratta, launched...

It was moved, seconded and passed by unanimous voice vote to accept the April 28, 2009 minutes as presented and the May 19, 2009 correcting the date of the meeting on the minutes. ___________________________________________________________________________ Ms. Rousseau raised a question regarding the handling of minutes and a brief discussion followed between Ms. Rousseau and Chairman LeBlanc. Ms. Rousseau felt that they were the only ones who really knew what they said and they had no idea what an individual typed into the minutes. She felt a responsibility to the citizens of Portsmouth to make sure they get the most accurate minutes possible and that minutes should not be approved without the Board seeing the changes made. Chairman LeBlanc noted that the minutes had been approved as corrected and the corrections were made in accordance with the tape that was made of the meeting. The corrected minutes could be viewed in city hall or on line. He saw no reason to change the protocols that had been place for over 20 years ____________________________________________________________________________ B. Request for Extension -24 Central Avenue Mr. Grasso made a motion to grant an extension of the Special Exception through December 31, 2009, which was seconded by Mr. Parrott. Mr. Grasso stated that he remembered when the applicant had appeared and they had discussed that the initial timeframe would not be enough to complete the construction. He found this to be a reasonable request and Mr. Parrott concurred.

On June 24th and 25th, 2015, the CCC research group, as member of the Ghent Centre for Global Studies, co-organized an international conference on “Social Struggles for Land in Latin America: An Historical, Comparative and Global Perspective”, together with the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru) and the Red Muqui – Proposal and Action Network (Peru), at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, in the city of Lima. The conference aimed to create a more profound dialogue between researchers, institutions, social organizations and rural communities, between historical and contemporary perspectives, and between comparative (cases of different countries) and global views, on change and continuity in rural Latin America.

Using the papers of the Gibb Committee on the future of Aboriginal communities on pastoral properties in the Northern Territory (1970-72), this article contributes both theoretically and empirically to the history of self-determination policy. It reveals non-Aboriginal authorities' thinking at a crucial moment in the history of the governing of remote Aboriginal Australians: the dissolution of the 'pastoral-feudal' order under the impact of 'equal wages' and access to cash social security. The article argues that the state and pastoralists had to consider two modalities of Aboriginal empowerment: as individual citizen-workers whose labour time had now to be valued as a commodity; and as 'communities' aspiring to autonomy from the authority of pastoralists. The article concludes by arguing that the settler colonial state's imperatives are both 'capitalist' and 'custodial'.

£80 (hardcover) Ben Silverstein's aim is to read the 1939 'New Deal for Aborigines' (a policy statement by Minister for the Interior John McEwen about Northern Territory Aborigines) as a plan for 'indirect rule': the state's deliberate harnessing of the customary governing capacities of Aboriginal society to mediate colonial authority. 1 Historians have described colonial authority in Nigeria and Fiji as 'indirect rule', but Silverstein is the first to say that it was policy, however briefly, in the Northern Territory. In 'settler colonial studies' the orthodox account of Australian history is that because settler colonial authority has been primarily interested in land it has tended to destroy the self-governing capacities of the colonized, enabling 'direct rule' (and it may even destroy the colonized physically). Silverstein explains that the Northern Territory departed from the Australian norm because cheap Aboriginal labour was, in effect, an indispensable subsidy to the Territory's commercially marginal pastoral industry. The colonial state judged in the 1930s that it would be more prudent to preserve than to undermine the capacity of Aboriginal society to reproduce itself. 'Reproduction' refers here not only to fertility and child survival but also to continuity in outlooks and land-use practices, so that in the cattle industry Aboriginal labour was divided 'between two articulated modes of production' (p. 178)the pastoralist's and their own, to the benefit of the pastoral industry. Silverstein thus recycles, to good effect, the theoretical framework developed more than 40 years ago by Beckett and Hartwig. 2 To this established account of what made northern pastoralism different from the destructive logic of Australian settler colonial rule Silverstein brings three new arguments. The first is to name this preservative approach 'indirect rule'. Drawing on a large literature about the British empire in Fiji and Nigeria, Silverstein describes the different ways that 'native society' in both colonies was seen as conducive to colonizing projects: as a source of cash crops and taxes, as a stable system of land tenure, as a producer of the next generation of native labourers, as reproducing a native political class amenable to the colonists' patronage. Indirect rule also projected the native interest forward, thus helping to legitimize colonial authority as developmental guidance. When adapted to the Northern Territory, 'indirect rule' (as expressed in McEwen's 'New Deal') postulated

their findings. The immensely popular British Association for the Advancement of Science was mirrored by similar events in continental Europe, the colonies and in the United States. The steam locomotive, which permitted these things to happen, probably has as much to do with the growth and spread of scientific thought in the nineteenth century, as the individuals and their ideas so closely studied by historians of science. Vermeulen's book, while greatly enlarging and enriching our understanding of the timescale and reach of anthropology's history, does not claim to be exhaustive. And through his analysis Vermeulen opens up new vistas for research and understanding, if only anthropologists are willing and able to learn from their own past.

Using the papers of the Gibb Committee on the future of Aboriginal communities on pastoral properties in the Northern Territory (1970-72), this article contributes both theoretically and empirically to the history of self-determination policy. It reveals non-Aboriginal authorities' thinking at a crucial moment in the history of the governing of remote Aboriginal Australians: the dissolution of the 'pastoral-feudal' order under the impact of 'equal wages' and access to cash social security. The article argues that the state and pastoralists had to consider two modalities of Aboriginal empowerment: as individual citizen-workers whose labour time had now to be valued as a commodity; and as 'communities' aspiring to autonomy from the authority of pastoralists. The article concludes by arguing that the settler colonial state's imperatives are both 'capitalist' and 'custodial'.

One of the most powerful narratives deployed by colonists in the nineteenth century was that the colonized natives were inherently too weak to survive contact with those who were colonizing them-the Dying Native story. I argue that to understand the history of this story, we should differentiate between three senses in which it could be taken as true or false: physical destruction, genetic adulteration and loss of distinct culture. The physical destruction version of the "Dying Native" was contested by some settler-colonial governments as they developed the capacity to manage and measure the numbers of those whom they classified as "Indian" or "Māori" or "Aboriginal". However, the "Dying Native" story persisted as a narrative of these peoples' loss of genetic and/or cultural distinction. One strategy of Indigenous intellectuals has been to assert that they have survived as "populations" by adapting as "peoples". In this paper, I show how an authoritative demography of colonized Indigenous populations in North America and New Zealand afforded discursive opportunities to some Indigenous intellectuals.

In many discussions of tragedy, the names Loxias and Phoebus are generally ignored because it is assumed that metrical demands are influencing name choice. In this article, we begin by taking the semantics of each name seriously and examine the context in which each is used in four tragedies dealing with the Oedipus story: Aeschylus' Seven, Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus and Oedipus Coloneus, and Euripides' Phoenissae. The results of this analysis suggest that these two appellations were part of a naming convention with dramatic significance for the audience and its understanding of the characters and their actions at various moments in the plays. 6 In all three instances in Pindar, this name is used in close association with Delphi and the oracle. 7 This is further evidenced in the three instances of its use in Herodotus (1.91, 4.163); in each case the historian reveals that the oracle has given the inquirer a riddling response which he fails to comprehend fully. On the positive effect of obscure content and/or cryptic utterances on the perception of truth-value, see

Recent genomic analyses show that the earliest peoples reaching Remote Oceania-associated with Austronesian-speaking Lapita culture-were almost completely East Asian, without detectable Papuan ancestry. However, Papuan-related genetic ancestry is found across present-day Pacific populations, indicating that peoples from Near Oceania have played a significant, but largely unknown, ancestral role. Here, new genome-wide data from 19 ancient South Pacific individuals provide direct evidence of a so-far undescribed Papuan expansion into Remote Oceania starting ~2,500 yr BP, far earlier than previously estimated and supporting a model from historical linguistics. New genome-wide data from 27 contemporary ni-Vanuatu demonstrate a subsequent and almost complete replacement of Lapita-Austronesian by Near Oceanian ancestry. Despite this massive demographic change, incoming Papuan languages did not replace Austronesian languages. Population replacement with language continuity is extremely rar...

The application of statistical methods to style is now well accepted in author attribution. It has found less favour in broader stylistic description. Louis Milic’s pioneering quantitative work from the 1960s on the style of Jonathan Swift was vigorously contested by Stanley Fish, an attack which may well have had the effect of curbing enthusiasm for this kind of work. The other important exemplar is John Burrows’ book on Jane Austen from 1987. I am not aware of any subsequent books of this kind.

This article is the result of a collaborative exercise carried out by the Dickens Journals Online (DJO) project and the Centre for Literary and Linguistic Computing (CLLC) at the University of Newcastle, Australia. 1 It presents the findings of an attempt to establish authorship of a short article published anonymously on 18 April 1863 in the weekly magazine All the Year Round under Charles Dickens's editorship, using computational stylistics in tandem with internal clues (in themselves far from conclusive) as to author. The reporting of the results forms part of a series of new attributions to be presented by DJO following its public launch in 2012, but merits, we hope, more elaborate discussion because the findings challenge an existing form of attribution, as well as offering a further demonstration of how the so-called "Burrows method" of establishing authorship can be configured for work with Victorian periodicals. To deal with the existing form of attribution first: a clear distinction can be made between the way in which articles in Household Words under Dickens's editorship (1850-59) are attributed, and the operation of this process with All the Year Round (1859-70; hereafter AYR). with the former, modern readers have to look no further than the definitive table of contents and contributor list published by Anne Lohrli in 1973, which derives its authority from the original Household Words "Office Book" of the journal, held in the Morris L. Parrish Collection of Victorian Novelists, at the University of Princeton Library. 2 The Office Book was scrupulously

The city of Cordoba in southern Spain is famous today for its Muslim history, having been between 929 and 1031 the capital of the Umayyad caliphate, its importance symbolized by its Great Mosque. Because the Mezquita was already regarded as one of the most accomplished monuments of all time, it was not destroyed after the 'Reconquista' of Cordoba by the Christian king Fernando III of Castile in 1236, but converted into the centre of the Cordoban diocese, the cathedral. In the sixteenth century, Emperor Carlos V made a significant modification to the expansive Muslim structure, ordering a nave to be built in the Renaissance style in the centre of the building. Despite these changes, this cathedral remains to this day the embodiment of the splendor and refinement of Muslim art in Spain and a testament to the richness of its past. But for the Cordoban Catholics of the early modern period this was not always easy to accept. In fact, during the Counter-Reformation, the local Catholic authorities in Cordoba were called upon to prove the continuity of the Christian past in spite of major evidence to the contrary. To them it became intolerable that their town, a part of the monarchy ruled by the Catholic king Felipe II, symbolized the dark ages of Spanish Christianity to the entire Catholic world. In the context of the sometimes tense relationship between local and universal religion,2 from the last quarter of the sixteenth century to 1 I want to warmly thank Katrina B. Olds and Guy Lazure for their comments and critiques, indispensable in the preparation of this chapter and their help with translations. 2 On this topic, see David Gentilcore, From Bishop to Witch: The System of the Sacred in Early Modern Terra d'Otranto

held a colloquium to mark the bicentennial of the birth of Georges Cuvier (1769-1832), anatomist, zoologist, and founder of the discipline of vertebrate paleontology. Foucault opened the colloquium with a brief presentation, followed by a lively discussion with colloquium participants Bernard Balan, Georges Canguilhem, Yvette Conry, Francis Courtès, François Dagognet, and Camille Limoges. The springboard for the discussion was a thesis Foucault had put forward in his 1966 book, The Order of Things: that contrary to standard conceptions of Cuvier's fixism as counter to evolutionary thinking, Cuvier made Darwin possible. In his opening presentation, Foucault elaborates on his earlier claim in The Order of Things: that Cuvier's function-based system made possible anatomical disarticulation and thereby created the conditions of possibility for modern biology. Darwin's work, Foucault insists, could not have occurred without the transformation of knowledge brought about by Cuvier. Foucault renders Cuvier as a transitional figure rather than as a static classifier stuck in the classical age; he becomes, as Foucault puts it, the "passage" between the "unity of type" of the classical age and the "conditions of existence" of evolutionary biology. In focusing on Cuvier as a thinker who made possible the biology that followed, we might recall Foucault's "What Is an Author?," where Foucault describes Cuvier as an "initiator of discursivity." 2 As an initiating practice, Cuvier's discourse "created a possibility for something other 1 Originally published as "La situation de Cuvier dans l'histoire de la biologie," Revue d'histoire des sciences et de

In which William E. Griffis spends more than two years in Tokyo, teaching science, promoting Christian activities, and writing on Japan for American publications, and how his sister Maggie comes to live with him, and how during those two years he keeps longing for the traditional Japan that he is helping to destroy, the Japan he so precipitously fled from in Fukui. CHAPTER IV-l -GRIFFIS IN TOKYO Robert A. Rosenstone Huge, thrusting noses. Jutting chins. Blue eyes that stare ferociously. Hair, so much of it and such odd colors --blond and red and a hundred shades of brown. Beards swallow features, moustaches droop into scowls. Skin so white, so deathly pale, so unnatural. Repulsive creatures, and their clothing only makes it worse. A riot of outrageous colors. Odd shaped hats. No harmony, no familiar Apatterns to soothe the eye. Jerky movements. Through the streets they lurch and swagger. No grace when they reach for something, no delicacy when they gesture. Voices too loud, insistent, the tones of language oddly harsh. No manners at all. In laughter, they do not bother to cover naked mouths with a hand. In greeting, they neglect to return your bows. February 2, 1872. Yokohama. Eyes and ears expect the familiar, learn the familiar is not what it used to be. A shock to encounter such change. A greater one to recognize the change is not out there but in the self. So that's what it means to be in the interior for ten months. The very sense organs alter. You return with the "ken of a native." You expect smooth faces, indirect glances, contained movements, dark colors, simple robes, cheery greetings. Instead you enter the jarring, raucous realm of an alien race, boisterous invaders

Memoria del tercer encuentro internacional sobre el poder en el pasado y el presente de América Latina Las opiniones y afi rmaciones contenidas en las ponencias de este volumen son responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores Primera edición 2011

A history of the book approach to Thomas Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay (published 1764-1828) recovers his commitment to preserve facts and his place in eighteenth-century historiography. Hutchinson's vilification by patriots still obscures our understanding of his loyalism. The article reassesses late colonial society, the American Revolution, and Anglo-American culture in the British Atlantic World.

A modernidade ocidental é associada à imposição de novos valores ligados à religião, Estado, indivíduo, e também à imposição de fronteiras entre cultura e natureza. Ao longo do século XVIII e XIX, a hegemonia da sociedade moderna vislumbrou seu ápice. Nesse contexto histórico de transformações culturais, surgiram textos literários do gênero "pós-apocalíptico", imaginando o fim do mundo não por elementos divinos associados à escatologia religiosa, mas através da ideia de "Natureza" e suas potencialidades destrutivas, como desastres ambientais e epidemias. O presente trabalho aborda algumas visões presentes em tal literatura como fruto de ansiedades para com o futuro e leituras críticas do mundo moderno. Nossa hipótese é de que o "apocalipse secular" literário representa, sobretudo, o fim do moderno, de seus valores e crenças, quando levados à exaustão. Pensamos a literatura pós-apocalíptica na perspectiva da História Ambiental e da Ecocrítica, visando explicitar a percepção crítica da civilização moderna e a projeção de um futuro ambiental do planeta em que a natureza selvagem restaura sua hegemonia, conforme imaginado por escritores de língua inglesa, em obras escritas entre os anos 1800 e 1950. Palabras-chave: literatura pós-apocalíptica; modernidade; história ambiental; ecocrítica.

A modernidade ocidental é associada à imposição de novos valores ligados à religião, Estado, indivíduo, e também à imposição de fronteiras entre cultura e natureza. Ao longo do século XVIII e XIX, a hegemonia da sociedade moderna vislumbrou seu ápice. Nesse contexto histórico de transformações culturais, surgiram textos literários do gênero "pós-apocalíptico", imaginando o fim do mundo não por elementos divinos associados à escatologia religiosa, mas através da ideia de "Natureza" e suas potencialidades destrutivas, como desastres ambientais e epidemias. O presente trabalho aborda algumas visões presentes em tal literatura como fruto de ansiedades para com o futuro e leituras críticas do mundo moderno. Nossa hipótese é de que o "apocalipse secular" literário representa, sobretudo, o fim do moderno, de seus valores e crenças, quando levados à exaustão. Pensamos a literatura pós-apocalíptica na perspectiva da História Ambiental e da Ecocrítica, visando explicitar a percepção crítica da civilização moderna e a projeção de um futuro ambiental do planeta em que a natureza selvagem restaura sua hegemonia, conforme imaginado por escritores de língua inglesa, em obras escritas entre os anos 1800 e 1950. Palabras-chave: literatura pós-apocalíptica; modernidade; história ambiental; ecocrítica.

En este sentido, y admitiendo la específica realidad portuguesa de infraescolarización e infracualificación frente a la Unión Euro-pea, los organismos de investigación na-cional, en particular el INOFOR (Instituto para la Innovación en la Formación) como entidad pública responsable de ...

This thesis reassesses the nature and importance of the Scottish Episcopal Church in Edinburgh and more widely. Based on a microstudy of one chapel community over a twenty-four year period, it addresses a series of questions of religion, identity, gender, culture and civic society in late Enlightenment Edinburgh, Scotland, and Britain, combining ecclesiastical, social and economic history. The study examines the congregation of Charlotte Episcopal Chapel, Rose Street, Edinburgh, from its foundation by English clergyman Daniel Sandford in 1794 to its move to the new Gothic chapel of St John's in 1818. Initially an independent chapel, Daniel Sandford's congregation joined the Scottish Episcopal Church in 1805 and the following year he was made Bishop of Edinburgh, although he contined to combine this role with that of rector to the chapel until his death in 1830. Methodologically, the thesis combines a detailed reassessment of Daniel Sandford's thought and ministry (Chapter Two) with a prosopographical study of 431 individuals connected with the congregation as officials or in the in the chapel registers (Chapter Three). Biography of the leader and prosopography of the community are brought to illuminate and enrich one another to understand the wealth and business networks of the congrgeation (Chapter Four) and their attitudes to politics, piety and gender (Chapter Five). The thesis argues that Daniel Sandford's Evangelical Episcopalianism was both original in Scotland, and one of the most successful in appealing to educated and influential members of Edinburgh society. The congregation, drawn largely from the newly-built West End of Edinburgh, were bourgeois and British in their composition. The core membership of privileged Scots, rooted in land and law, led, but were also challenged by and forced to adapt to a broad social spread who brought new wealth and influence into the West End through India and the consumer boom. The discussion opens up many avenues for further research including the connections between Scottish Episcopalianism and romanticism, the importance of India and social mobility within the consumer economy in the development of Edinburgh, and Scottish female intellectual culture and its engagement with religion and enlightenment. Understanding the role of enlightened, evangelical Episcopalianism, which is the contribution of this study, will form an important context for these enquiries.

La evocación de libros de memorias que destacan la nostalgia de un mundo estable y en orden, para cuestionar a continuación si esto es sólo una ilusión, sirve para presentar la idea que, para muchos, a pesar de todo lo celebrable de la caída del Muro de Berlín, éste representaba la estabilidad del mundo bipolar y que su desaparición ha dado lugar a un periodo de incertidumbre e inestabilidad.