Economic policy

While opioid agonist treatment (OAT) is the most effective treatment for opioid dependence, it is heavily dependent on regular face-to-face healthcare delivery placing both clients and treatment providers at risk of COVID-19. Following the emergence of COVID-19, policies were rapidly changed in Ireland, with the introduction of national contingency guidelines by the HSE National Social Inclusion Office, beginning in March 2020 to ensure rapid and uninterrupted access to OAT while balancing efforts to mitigate COVID-19 risk. This study aims to assess the impact of the national contingency guidelines, on the quality of OAT care delivered in Ireland. An interrupted time series analysis will be conducted using anonymised aggregated level data obtained from the Central Treatment List (CTL), the national register of people receiving OAT, administered by the National Drug Treatment Centre Board on behalf of the HSE. Separate segmented regressions will be conducted to estimate the impact of...

The EU ratification of the Paris Agreement initiated extensive political and legislative activities within the EU to reach agreed climate objectives. The declaration of the climate crisis, the publication of the European Green Deal, and the obligation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% by 2030 compared to 1990 levels created the foundations for establishing an ambitious climate legal framework at the EU level. At the center of that legal framework is the European Climate Law, which obliges the EU to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. Completing the set goals requires a strong climate transition, which includes, among other actions, a change to a low-carbon economy. At the EU level, the obligation to fulfill the goals of the Paris Agreement and the related goals of the European Climate Law is primarily on the institutions of executive and legislative power that have the democratic legitimacy to act actively to achieve climate neutrality. However, the international ag...

Financial Technology (FinTech) has recently become a promising and emerging industry across the globe that uses technology and innovation to broaden the frontiers of financial activities and to make finance more efficient. This paper examines the rise of FinTech in Egypt, its legal framework, and the role of regulatory bodies like the CBE and FRA. It discusses how FinTech improves financial services, outlines relevant laws, and addresses challenges such as tech gaps and legal adaptation. It concludes that Egypt’s FinTech future depends on innovation, regulation, and collaboration.

The impacts of further trade liberalization after the Uruguay Round are assessed using the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model, a multi-region, general equilibrium model. The analysis quantifies the trade impacts and welfare gains from trade liberalization by developed countries only, by developing countries only, from full multilateral liberalization, and from partial multilateral liberalization. It goes beyond past modeling of global trade reform by incorporating key tariff preferences.

Introduction. The topic is relevant because, under the conditions of economic sanctions and instability in international markets, Russia needs to develop its own production of milk and dairy products to reduce dependence on imports and ensure food security.

The article analyzes the prospects of milk and dairy production in Russia’s food markets.

Materials and methods. The study materials were periodicals and conference abstracts on trends in the development of the dairy industry and dairy cattle breeding in Russia. Research methods were abstract-logical, monographic, calculative-constructive, comparative, and statistical analysis.

Results. According to FAO data on milk production results in 2020, Russia is in 7th place. In Russia, about 20 thousand agricultural organizations of various forms of ownership with a population of 3.1 million cows are engaged in milk production. In 2021, milk production in all categories of farms amounted to 32.3 million tons, more than 100 thousand tons (+0.3%) compared to the production level of 2020. In the structure of milk production, agricultural organizations account for 55.5%, peasant (farmer) farms – 8.8%, and households – 35.7%. Among the leading regions in milk production is the Volga Federal District. It accounts for almost a third of the total volume of the product – about 9.5 million tons.

The Ministry of Agriculture provides a set of state support measures to stimulate milk production and processing. In 2020, its total volume exceeded 38 billion rubles. In 2021, a comparable level of support volume was provided. In addition, as a stimulus measure during the pandemic period, 10.6 billion rubles were provided to agrarians to reimburse the cost of purchasing fodder for dairy cattle. The key reference point for the industry is the doctrine of food security.

Conclusion. The production of milk and dairy products in the food markets of Russia and the world has significant prospects. Russia has an opportunity to develop the export of dairy products, especially to the CIS countries and the Asia-Pacific region, which can become an additional source of income for producers.

The idea that the public expects more from its presidents than they are able to deliver long has been a mainstay of the presidential literature. When presidential scholars ask whether the expectations gap exists, they generally provide micro level explanations that focus on the relationships among various presidential characteristics and how these characteristics are perceived by the public. This approach makes sense if expectations are chiefly responsive to perceptions of the Presidency itself. Yet, recent research empirically identifies an expectations gap in public perceptions of Congress and the president. These studies provide a theoretical reason to believe that macro level political phenomena, or public perceptions of the broader governmental system, also may be determinants of the gap. These macro determinants might include general beliefs about the responsiveness, efficacy and trustworthiness of government. Using two national surveys conducted in 1998 and 1999, we test three related micro level explanations and two macro level explanations for the gap's existence. While we find support for micro level explanations, importantly, we demonstrate that macro level phenomena such as trust in government, perceptions of political efficacy, and individual political attitudes are important determinants of presidential, incumbent and weighted models of the expectations gap.

Using data on the US and EU top R&D spenders from 2004 until 2012, this paper investigates the sources of the US/EU productivity gap. We find robust evidence that US firms have a higher capacity to translate R&D into productivity gains (especially in the high-tech industries), and this contributes to explaining the higher productivity of US firms. Conversely, EU firms are more likely to achieve productivity gains through capital-embodied technological change at least in medium and low-tech sectors. Our results also show that the US/EU productivity gap has worsened during the crisis period, as the EU companies have been more affected by the economic crisis in their capacity to translate R&D investments into productivity. Based on these findings, we make a case for a learning-based and selective R&D funding, which - instead of purely aiming at stimulating higher R&D expenditures - works on improving the firms' capabilities to transform R&D into productivity gains.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the productivity impact of business visits, relative to traditional drivers of productivity enhancement, namely capital formation and R&D. To carry out the analysis, we combine unique and novel data on business visits sourced from the U.S. National Business Travel Association with OECD data on R&D and capital formation. The resulting unbalanced panel covers on average 16 sectors per year in 10 countries during the period 1998-2011 (2,262 observations). Our results suggest that mobility through business visits is an effective mechanism to improve productivity. The estimated effect is about half as large as investing in R&D, supporting viewing business visits as a form of long-term investment rather than pure consumption expenditure. In a nutshell, our outcomes support the need to recognize the private and social value of business mobility.

2024 has been an election year in the EU, which is the usual opportunity for EU citizens to  discuss and, to some extent, determine the political future of further EU integration. This time, the June elections were followed by particularly intense debates on the economic future of
Europe. To frame the policy debates leading up to the establishment of the new European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen and Mario Draghi presented the report “The future of European competitiveness”. Draghi was not alone in thinking about the future of the EU economy. We should, in particular, pay attention to the reports authored by Enrico Letta
and the expert group chaired by the LSE professor Andrés Rodriguez-Pose. The combined lessons of these reports should not only lead to action that aims to improve the EU’s business model but also to further boost the social dimension of the EU. Here, we outline these connections in the light of EU policy evolution and in the broader context of transatlantic
political developments and globalised economic warfare.

O Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), desde sua criação em 1988, tem um histórico de recursos insuficientes que permitam efetivamente garantir a universalidade e a integralidade do cuidado. Seu subfinanciamento, derivado da ausência de apoio de parte da sociedade e de políticas neoliberais assumidas por diversos governos nos anos 1990 e 2000, transformou--se em um efetivo desfinanciamento a partir da aprovação do "teto de gastos", em 2016, agravando as dificuldades estruturais do sistema. A pandemia de Covid-19 gerou uma necessidade preeminente de ampliação da capacidade de atendimento do sistema público de saúde e, com isso, os recursos para o SUS foram ampliados. Essa maior disponibilidade financeira, porém, foi fruto de medidas extraordinárias e ficou restrita aos anos de 2020 e 2021. O orçamento ordinário destinado à saúde nesses anos e a LOA de 2022 explicitam que o desfinanciamento se mantém e que a pandemia não gerou priorização da saúde da população brasileira no interior do orçamento federal. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Pandemia de Covid-19; subfinanciamento; desfinanciamento do SUS; Brasil.

Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Estabilidad financiera y dolarización 293 Jesús Zurita González** Estabilidad financiera y dolarización* Este artículo examina los vínculos entre dolarización, estabilidad financiera y estabilidad monetaria, en una economía pequeña y abierta cuya banca tiene acceso al crédito internacional. La principal conclusión es que si se logra un equilibrio fiscal sostenible, interporalmente, la dolarización resulta innecesaria para lograr la estabilidad monetaria y de precios. Debido a la importancia del sistema bancario como fuente de desequilibrio fiscal cuando incurre en dificultades financieras y es rescatada por el gobierno, se indica la necesidad de establecer medidas prudenciales para garantizar el buen funcionamiento del sistema bancario y con ello alcanzar la estabilidad financiera.

Economists disagree; this is a matter of fact. Economics has an empirical methodology to verify whatever theories economists from different schools of thought advance in order to explain the economic phenomenon. This empirical methodology lends economists the confidence that most of the differences among them can be reconciled overtime by employing this methodology. If not today, future development either in economic theorization or estimation techniques may help them settle their internal conflicts. This paper argues that disagreements among economists are deeper than they are usually conceived of. These disagreements are spread over the entire spectrum of scientific theorization, i.e., explanation, prediction and control aspects of economics. Economists disagree neither because their understanding about economic functioning is imperfect nor because their econometric tool-kit of verifying their theories is limited; instead several deeply rooted reasons leave them divided on matters of economic theory and policy. It is argued that disagreements among economists are so deep that they become almost irreconcilable. Economics will continue as a rhetoric activity where different economists make use of authorities, stories, logic and metaphor to persuade each other.

Özet: Arjantin ve Türkiye çok yüksek düzeylere ulaşan enflasyon oranlarını kontrol edebilmek amacıyla son dönemde neoliberal (ortodoks) dezenflasyon politikaları uygulamaya başlamışlardır. Bu iki ülkede uygulanan neoliberal dezenflasyon politikaları arasında önemli benzerlikler bulunmasına karşın, bazı farklılıklar bulunmaktadır. Kasım 2023’de liberteryen (anarko-kapitalist) iktisatçı Javier Milei Arjantin’de iktidara geldi. Milei hükümeti, neoliberal ve liberterven ilkelere dayalı sıkı bir para politikası ve ‘şok terapi’ mali reform stratejisini uygulamaya koydu. Milei’nin iktisadi ve siyasal görüşlerinin entelektüel kökenleri radikal liberteryen iktisatçı Murray Rothbard’a dayanmaktadır. Murray Rothbard, liberteryenler ve paleo-muhafazakarları birleştirmeyi amaçlayan ve ‘paleo-liberteryen’ olarak adlandırılan sağ-liberteryen siyasal hareketin entelektüel öncülerindendir. Rothbard’ın ‘paleo-liberteryen’ (sağ popülist) siyasal görüşlerinin günümüzde Donald Trump ve Javier Milei gibi siyasal liderler üzerinde önemli ideolojik etkileri olduğu görülmektedir. Arjantin’de uygulanan dezenflasyon politikasının Türkiye’de uygulanan programdan en önemli farkı sıkı ve sert mali disipline (kamu bütçe disiplini) dayanmasıdır. Milei hükümeti bütçe açıklarını azaltma konusunda başarılı olmasına karşın, bu başarı yüksek gelir gruplarının vergilenmesi ile değil, nüfusun büyük bölümünün refahının (reel gelirlerinin) büyük oranda düşürülmesi ile sağlanmıştır. Diğer yandan, Arjantin’de para otoritesi daha çok parasal hedeflemeye yönelirken, yüksek faiz ödemelerinin para arzı artışına neden olmasından dolayı seri biçimde faiz indirimlerine gitmiştir.

The positive impacts of fiscal policy could be undermined when accompanied by uncertainty. We examined the effect of fiscal policy uncertainty on economic activities in the provinces of Iran. It includes production, investment, unemployment, and economic participation of the active workforce in these provinces, taking into account the effects of economic sanctions imposed on the economy. We employed two types of shocks: fiscal level shock (representing fiscal policy) and its volatility shock (as fiscal policy uncertainty), which derived from a specified fiscal reaction function. We estimated a Panel VAR model using provincial data from 2003 to 2020. The results of the impulse response function indicated that following the impulse in the fiscal policy uncertainty, the response shows an increase in the unemployment rate in the short run, a decrease in the capital investment, and an increase in the inflation rate in the short and medium terms. In the medium and long term, the response indicates a decrease in GDP growth and a reduction in the economic participation rate of the active workforce.

Although entering a currency union involves both costs and benefits, an increasing body of research is finding that the benefits -in terms of international trade creation -are remarkably large. For example, Rose (2000) suggests that countries can up to triple their trade by joining a currency union. If true the impact on trade, income and welfare should Iceland join EMU could be enormous. However, by focussing simply on EMU rather than the broad range of currency unions studied by Rose, we find that the trade impact of EMU is smaller -but still statistically significant and economically important. Our findings suggest that the Iceland's trade with other EMU countries could increase by about 60% and that the trade-to-GDP ratio could rise by 12 percentage points should Iceland join the EU and EMU. This trade boost could consequently raise GDP per capita by roughly 4%. These effects would be even larger if the three current EMU outs (Denmark, Sweden and the UK) were also to enter EMU.

The European economic and monetary union (EMU) is now over 4 years old. In this paper we assess whether monetary union has begun to have significant economic effects by comparing countries in EMU with the EU countries outside. We focus principally on trade creation between EMU member countries, using a methodology that controls for the fact that the decision to join the monetary union was not random but was more likely to be taken by countries whose prospects of trading with other EMU members were already high. We find that the trade effects of monetary union are significant. We estimate that had the UK been inside EMU the sum of its imports and exports could have been substantially greater. For comparative purposes, we also make preliminary estimates of the effect of monetary union on three other dimensions of economic performance: foreign direct investment, the development of financial markets and overall macroeconomic performance, though we recognize that our ability to control for other factors is more limited in respect of these other indicators. The evidence suggests that inward investment in the countries outside would have been greater had they joined EMU, but that the impact of this on GDP would be no more than 0.3% of GDP per annum for the UK and less than that for the other 'outs'. Financial market activity shows no clear sign of having been affected by EMU, and London's position as Europe's financial centre remains, as yet, largely unchallenged. On standard measures of aggregate performanceinflation, unemployment and output -no clear pattern of EMU effects has yet emerged.

In recent time, the impact of paying tax is not felt by payees in Nigeria and indeed has put them in doubt and confusion as to the use of the fund by the relevant government in the development of the economy. This uncalled for practices have definitely made some Nigerians want to avoid and evade tax. The study focused on the impact of tax revenue on Nigeria economy. Descriptive survey design was adopted and simple random sampling technique was used in the selection of the sample size. 100 copies of questionnaires were administered to workers of the Federal Board of Inland Revenue (FBIR), Lagos, Nigeria. 75 questionnaires were retrieved and found usable for the study hence, giving a 75% response rate. A pilot study was conducted and this gave a reliability value of 0.78 which according to Nunnally (1978) is reliable enough to measure the research construct. Four Hypotheses were formulated and tested using Chi-square statistical tool of analysis. The findings show that tax revenue significantly impact on Federal Government Budget implementation in Nigeria, Tax administrative system significantly affected the revenue generated in Nigeria, Tax evasion significantly affected government revenue in Nigeria, and Lack of training on the part of tax officers significantly affected the generation of government revenue in Nigeria. It was recommended that Notice of tax returns at the beginning of every financial year should be supported with handbills and poster written in local languages such as Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo and other languages as this will enable illiterates perform their civil responsibilities; Tax payment should meet convenience of the tax-payers; an advance payment of tax should be encouraged and estimated by the tax-payer himself, based on the tax payable for the previous year or on 80% of tax payable for the preceding year. The balance of tax is payable when the final assessment has been paid within one month of issue of the notice of assessment. It further recommended that the state should set up its own revenue courts. The Federal Government has set that ball rolling by setting up a federal revenue court to look into cases of tax avoidance and evasion. The jurisdiction of these courts should be extended to states to ensure prompt prosecution of tax evaders.

In the era of excessive information, while some may argue that America's economy and public policy are primarily shaped by media or corporate interests, think tanks stand out as penetrating and forming forces. Although their name may sound foreign, these research institutes are the main drum intelligentsia, giving the government and private businesses insight, analysis, and suggestions that influence policies and decisions. Moreover, from social issues to economic policy and welfare strategies, in the above order, the work of think tanks is not simply academic, it is pragmatic. In this review, the anatomy of think tanks including their missions, methods, and myriads of webs of influence and power will be explained in this research.

Even though federal government of U.S play the primary role in managing the nations various systems such as fiscal policy, healthcare, defense and welfare, the existence of different political ideologies plays a part in national and international stability 1 , in sense that each ideology strategy in managing economic issues reach a different conclusion, proved by the numerous economical tragedies such as the greater recession , implements the bases of each ideologies perspective on government's role in reducing economic inequality, addressing job displacement due to technological change, and striking a balance between free market principles and government intervention during economic crises. To discuss the economical view of each side, one must fully understand in clarity the differences between two ideologies, in simplest form liberalism is described by the government's sole responsibly in preserving freedom protections its citizens individual liberty while also minimizing its intervention in its citizens lives, on the other hand, conservatism allows the government vast influence thus to conserve the established norms and institutions such as the cultural and religious traditions of its nation. While this is nearly the correct definition of what each ideology stands for, such political movements do tend to abuse power through the ideological privileges they stand for. Furthermore, the existence of the federal government is crucial in interfering with conservative or liberal administrations when their policies threaten economic stability. Federal governments' regulatory agencies such as federal reserves and the Environmental protection agencies exist to act as checks on extreme economic policies. Under a conservative administration that Favors deregulation and reduced taxes, the federal government may intervene to prevent excessive corporate power or environmental harm that could arise from such policies. Conversely, in a liberal administration pushing for expansive social programs or aggressive tax hikes, the federal government's budgetary and constitutional frameworks can limit excessive spending or prevent overreach that may stifle economic growth. Thus, regardless of the political ideology in power, the federal government ensures a balanced approach to economic management by safeguarding essential public interests while keeping national economic stability.

UDC 551.510.42
          Attempt of unifying results of scientific research on contemporary solution of a wide range of problems connected with ecological monitoring of atmospheric pollution is pre¬sented in the monograph.
        Results of investigations, presented here, are connected with problems of ecological monitoring of atmospheric pollution over the territory of Georgia, which represents the re¬gion of complicated orography and  meteorological conditions. Besides, considerable atten¬tion is paid to practical problems of  natural environment control, assessment of its condi¬tion and forecast of atmospheric pollution in the areas of anthropogenic impact. 
        The monograph will be useful for a wide range of specialists, interested in the issues of solving contemporary problems of protecting natural environment and having desire to ob¬tain a complete idea about available approaches of processing and solving problems, con¬nected with  atmospheric air monitoring under conditions of anthropogenic impact.

ISBN 99928-885-3-9   © INSTITUTE OF HYDROMETEOROLOGY

are allowed to see data about a particular person, household, business or organisation and the results in this paper have been confidentialised to protect these groups from identification. Careful consideration has been given to the privacy, security and confidentiality issues associated with using administrative and survey data in the IDI. Further detail can be found in the privacy impact assessment for the IDI available from www.stats.govt.nz. The results are based in part on tax data supplied by Inland Revenue to Statistics New Zealand under the Tax Administration Act 1994. This tax data must be used only for statistical purposes, and no individual information may be published or disclosed in any other form, or provided to Inland Revenue for administrative or regulatory purposes. Any person who has had access to the unit-record data has certified that they have been shown, have read, and have understood section 81 of the Tax Administration Act 1994, which relates to secrecy. Any discussion of data limitations or weaknesses is in the context of using the IDI for statistical purposes, and is not related to the data's ability to support Inland Revenue's core operational requirements.

Verghis-include staff who have worked closely on the IMF program in Turkey, together with members of a number of the IMF's functional departments, in particular the Research Department, as well as World Bank staff. The analysis is based on data available as of July 2004. However, more recent data do not alter the thrust of the analysis. The authors would like to thank Michael Deppler, Susan Schadler, and Odd Per Brekk for their guidance and advice on these studies, and also for deepening our understanding of the economic issues facing Turkey more generally. We are also grateful to the Turkish authorities and to participants in seminars held in Ankara and Istanbul for discussions and comments, which have improved the papers. Chanpheng Dara provided excellent research assistance throughout, while Julie Burton, Connie Strayer, and Alimata Kini Kabore ably assisted in preparing the manuscript. The External Relations Department edited the manuscript and coordinated production of the publication. The opinions expressed in this paper are solely those of its authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Monetary Fund, its Executive Directors, or the Turkish authorities.

Economic deregulation of industry and transport is one of the economic policies exerted in recent years in Spain, with the aim of increasing efficiency in the economic system. This paper focus on the economic effects of transport deregulation. To this end, we have applied the theoretical apparatus pertaining to the estimation of the consumer's surplus, using a series of previous empirical studies on the different modes of transport in Spain, their regulations and the effects of such deregulation as they have undergone. Empirical evidence provide predictions which indicate that deregulation of transport services may produce substantial benefits to Spanish consumers.

In many illustrations, entrepreneurship has been conceived of finance and business projects and defined from several angles. It covers the region's physical, cultural, and technological facets. From the near past, entrepreneurship has gained widespread popularity and acknowledgment as a profession and research study. A related growth in the value of business schooling was also observed with the growing popularity of entrepreneurship. Business education in Pakistan is still a foreign practice. It was not before approximately 12 or 13 years that Pakistan's commission for Higher Education (HEC) recognized the relevance with the increasing footprints worldwide and found its inclusion in higher education. Economists see entrepreneurship as a mixture of ingenuity and risk-taking. Substantial growth levels and opportunities provided to all segments of the population and the deprived are reached when such behavior flourishes. In Pakistan, the invasive role of the government in the e...

Među pluralnim društvima na području bivše Jugoslavije Bosna i Hercegovina i Severna Makedonija primeri su konsocijalne demokratije a Crna Gora još uvek traga za institucionalnim aranžmanima koji bi omogućili zaštitu interesa i identiteta ključnih nacionalnih grupa u demokratskom miljeu. U akademskoj literaturi se postavlja pitanje da li je konsocijalna demokratija odgovarajuće rešenje za Crnu Goru ili je primerenija demokratija konsenzusa, tj. "blaži lek" koji Lijphart propisuje pluralnim ali i kulturno homogenim društvima. U tekstu istražujem taj problem iz ugla teorijske literature i uporednih primera, naročito na području bivše Jugoslavije, kao i iz perspektive evolucije političkih i kulturnih podela u Crnoj Gori posle socijalizma. Sažeti odgovor jeste da konsocijalna demokratija nije rešenje u kontekstu fluidnih identiteta u Crnoj Gori, uprkos značajne političke i kulturne polarizacije u poslednjih četvrt veka. Demokratija konsenzusa pruža fleksibilnije aranžmane koji omogućavaju predstavljanje i saradnju relevantnih grupa u demokratskom miljeu. Pad nedemokratske i nacionalno isključive vlasti DPS-a omogućio je uspostavljanje takvih aranžmana.

Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia are examples of consociational democracy among plural societies in the former Yugoslavia while Montenegro is still in search of democratic arrangements to safeguard the interests and identities of key ethnonational groups. Is consensus democracy, i.e., the “weaker medicine” that Lijphart advises for both plural and culturally homogeneous societies, more appropriate for Montenegro than consociational democracy? I examine this problem from theoretical and comparative perspectives taking into account the evolution of political and cultural divisions in Montenegro after communism. A succinct answer is that consociational democracy is not a solution in the context of fluid and overlapping identities in Montenegro despite major political and cultural polarization in the last quarter century. Consensus democracy provides more flexible arrangements for the representation and cooperation of key ethnonational groups in the democratic context. The fall of authoritarian and ethnonationally exclusive rule by the DPS opened space for the construction of such democratic arrangements.

The entire process of Korean economic development in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s demonstrated the possibility of economic development in the third world. The 1997 financial crisis led many to affirm that the Korean state had lost its ability to deal with domestic economic and welfare policies. Using Cerny's three "shifts" in the character and nature of the welfare state,

trade with a research focus on the WTO, EU trade policy, liberalization in services, and regulatory reforms in France as well as in the EU with a particular focus on protectionism. He recently published the book "Measuring the Costs of Protection in Europe: European Commercial Policy in the 2000s," and contributed over 100 articles to professional journals. He serves as a member of the Preparatory Conference to the G7-G8 Summits, the Steering Committee of the European Trade Study Group, and advisory committees on competition and services for the French Ministry of Economics. Previously, he was the special advisor on WTO affairs to Mike Moore, WTO Director General, and worked as a Senior Economist at the World Bank. He is a regular consultant to various international organizations, governments and companies. Patrick Messerlin holds a Ph.D.

La economía mexicana ha crecido de manera modesta durante los últimos veinticinco años (2.5% en promedio anual entre 1994 y 2018) y su ingreso per cápita ha aumentado lentamente. En este contexto, el trabajo tiene como objetivo ofrecer una caracterización de la política económica de México en el período 2012-2018, sus acciones distintivas y alcance respecto al desempeño económico. Para ello la presente investigación se estructura en torno a las siguientes dos preguntas: ¿en qué medida la política económica durante el gobierno de Peña Nieto contribuyó a la estabilidad de la economía mexicana? ¿Y qué tanto el desempeño y bienestar económicos se vieron favorecidos por dichas medidas de política económica? Para atender estas preocupaciones, se hace una revisión de tres grandes disciplinas: la política monetaria, la política hacendaria (fiscal) y sus implicaciones sobre el desempeño económico.

This paper measures the extent to which both donor finance and resource revenues have contributed to higher rates of expenditure in key development sectors of the PNG economy-social services (including health and education) and infrastructure, between 1975 and 2010. Estimated elasticities are then compared against a hypothetical revenue scenario to assess the potential contribution that post-2014 LNG revenue inflows may have on increasing the financing available to these sectors.

This paper explores the potential role of industrial policy to stimulate post-crisis recovery in South East Europe (SEE). Policy reactions in the region have focused on fiscal consolidation and austerity, while the design of active industrial policies to improve competitiveness has been less in evidence. The paper reviews the experience of industrial policies in the EU and shows how these policies have evolved from vertical to horizontal approaches, and how the latter versions of policy have been transferred to the accession states in SEE. The paper reviews the evolution of industrial policies in eight countries of the region and the impact of these policies on industrial production. It argues that the horizontal industrial policies that have been imposed on SEE countries through conditionality embodied in the EU accession process have left their economies vulnerable to adverse spillovers from the eurozone crisis. It concludes with an assessment of the relevance of industrial policies to economic recovery, and questions whether SEE has been 'shut out' of the 'fresh' vertical industrial policy that has been adopted by the EU in recent years.

and to participants of seminars at the United Nations, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the World Bank. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the UNCTAD Secretariat or UNDP.

In memory of my dear brother Joachim v Contents List of Tables vi List of Figures viii Acronyms and Abbreviations x Foreword xii Acknowledgments xiii Summary xiv 1. Introduction 1 2. From African Socialism to a Free Market Economy 7 3. The General Equilibrium Approach 27 4. A Social Accounting Matrix and General Equilibrium Model for Tanzania 45 5. The Effects of Macroeconomic Policies on Growth, Equity, and Intersectoral Shifts 78 6. Results, Achievements, and Conclusions Appendix A : Recent Economic Indicators and Policies vi Tables 2.1 Annual exchange rates, 1985-98 2.2 Monthly exchange rates, 1995-96 2.3 Deposit and lending rates, 1992-98 4.1 Macroeconomic social accounting matrix 4.2 1992 macrosam for Tanzania (millions of 1992 TSh) 4.3 Accounts of the 1992 microsam for Tanzania 4.4 New macrosam for 1992 (millions of 1992 TSh) 4.5 Parameters and variables of the Tanzanian CGE model 4.6 Initial macroeconomic model closures 5.1 Policy bias experiments from initial base: Flexible exchange rate 5.2 Policy bias experiments from initial base: Fixed exchange rate 5.3 Policy bias experiments from synthetic base: Flexible exchange rate 5.4 Policy bias experiments from synthetic base: Fixed exchange rate 5.5 Sectoral structure of the Tanzanian economy based on 1992 SAM 5.6 Agricultural terms of trade (TOT) (value-added) and price indices under mobile versus fixed sectoral capital demand in nonagriculture 5.7 Sectoral structure of total factor payments based on 1992 SAM 5.8 Average marketing margin coefficients and respective total values for aggregate agriculture and nonagriculture A.1 Country data for Tanzania: Economic and social indicators A.2 Tanzania: Recent policy performance A.3 Tanzania: Physiographic regions A.4 Tanzania's domestic tax policies during the 1990s C.1 Distribution of labor value-added (million TSh and percent) C.2 Final household consumption (million TSh and percent) C.3 Individual income tax (rates, values, and shares per household group in million TSh and percentage) C.4 Household savings (rates, values, and shares per household group in million TSh and percent) D.1 1992 social accounting matrix for Tanzania respect to σ C variation G.2 Percentage change of real value-added deviations with respect to σ T variation x

CIUP), por los valiosos comentarios realizados al presente estudio. Agradecemos también a Raphael Bergoeing, Lawrence Christiano y Terry Fitzgerald por el interés y la ayuda brindada a este trabajo de investigación. Este documento solo refleja la opinión personal de los autores.

Seit nunmehr einem Vierteljahrhundert geht unter dem Namen „post-development“ ein Gespenst in der Entwicklungstheorie um. Während die klassischen post-development-Texte ihren Fokus primär auf Mexiko, Kolumbien und Indien richteten und die neuere Debatte um buen vivir v.a. Ecuador und Bolivien in den Blick nahm (siehe auch PERIPHERIE Nr. 149), lassen sich alternative, auf nichtwestliche Traditionen Bezug nehmende Vorstellungen einer guten Gesellschaft auch in zahlreichen anderen Ländern finden. Zwei davon möchten wir in unserem Beitrag genauer betrachten. Allerdings möchten wir im Unterschied zu den klassischen Beispielen Fälle untersuchen, in denen die Alternativkonzepte nicht von oft als links angesehenen Basisbewegungen, sondern von politisch rechts stehenden Regierungen vertreten werden: in Thailand und im Iran. Diese Fallauswahl scheint zu der These zu passen, dass post-development letztlich ein reaktionäres, rückwärtsgewandtes Konzept sei. Dieser These möchten wir widersprechen...

Der vorliegende Beitrag entstand als Reaktion auf die redaktionsinternen Diskussionen im Verlauf der Entstehung dieses Heftes und möchte pointiert zu einer Selbstverständigung über Rassismus angesichts der aktuellen Debatten um die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Critical Whiteness und vermeintlich übersteigerte Identitätspolitik beitragen. Er spiegelt auch die Spannungen, Differenzen und (unabgeschlossenen) Diskussionsprozesse innerhalb des Autorenduos wider. Wir verstehen Rassismus als konstituiert durch herkunftsbedingte Zuschreibung und asymmetrische Machtverhältnisse und möchten die politischen Effekte von bestimmten Rassismusverständnissen thematisieren.